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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>India</text>
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                <text>Awasthi, Soumya</text>
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                <text>Given China’s proactive international diplomacy today, it continues to make its presence felt in the region. The ambitious project of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) stands among the widest reaching of all other initiatives. It not only represents a renewed, stronger and better co-ordinated push to expand China’s influence overseas but is also coupled with a domestic investment drive, in which nearly every Chinese province has a stake. BRI is a set of two outward-facing models introduced by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 to promote economic engagement and investment along two main routes: the New Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Route. The proposed countries under the BRI framework are close to 68 countries, with up to 40 per cent of the Global GDP (Griffiths, 2017). This article looks at four major issues. First, what comprises BRI and what it has for the partners in the project? Second, what does it mean for India with specific reference to China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CEPC)? Third, major concerns in BRI and CEPC. Finally, the article also discusses the available options for India reluctant to join BRI.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22592</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22592/19228</text>
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                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 97-112</text>
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                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>BRI</text>
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                <text>Cabahar Port</text>
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                <text>China-led BRI and its Impact on India with Specific Reference to CPEC</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Nepal</text>
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                <text>K.C., Khadga</text>
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                <text>Bhattarai, Gaurav</text>
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                <text>This article traces out the causes for why Nepal’s search for prosperity through transit diplomacy appears to be an un accomplished venture. Identifying different indicators of Nepal’s transit diplomacy, it specifies to what extent Nepal can execute its transit diplomacy and to what extent it cannot. This article also argues that Nepal’s proposal of trilateral ism to its immediate neighbours, India to the South and China to the North, itself, so far has not been institutionalized through any means of trilateral dialogues or ministerial-level meetings. It has only been reduced to the status of a metaphor merely inferring Nepal’s possibilities to bridge two emerging economies in the neighbourhood, which are, however, deemed as the prime actors of Easternization process itself. Hypothesizing that the venture of transit diplomacy has not gained sufficient momentum, this article does not only assess the reluctance of India in providing momentum to trilaterialism, but underlines Nepal’s lack of preparation and assertiveness which have actually sidelined her plausible role to make it happen at Nepal’s larger interest. The idea of trilateralism should, therefore, bear an institutional reality. Without such an institutionalization, Nepal’s quest for prosperity through transit diplomacy might not yield expected results, and shall always dwell on the status of an un accomplished venture.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22576</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22576</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63833">
                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22576/19216</text>
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                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63835">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 75-96</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63836">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
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                <text>Transit diplomacy</text>
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                <text>trilateralism</text>
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                <text>prosperity</text>
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                <text>Geo-economics</text>
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                <text>Nepal</text>
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                <text>India</text>
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                <text>China</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63844">
                <text>Nepal’s Search for Prosperity through Transit Diplomacy</text>
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            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Nepal</text>
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                <text>Adhikari, Dhruba Raj</text>
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                <text>Nepal is a small state situated in a geo-strategic location between two major powers—China and India, the former being a great state, and the latter a middle state. Nepal has asymmetric relations with both India and China in terms of national power. Nepalese psyche has been shaped by the very geostrategic situation since the time immemorial. However, Nepal as a modern state was born only in 1768, since then it has adopted different strategies for its survival according to the changes in international, regional and domestic power equations. During the initial phase (1768-1814), Nepal was called Gorkha empire and it had pursued a grand strategy of sub-regional hegemony while being mindful of the sensibilities of the big powers in the North and the South. Nepal made a transition from imperial grand strategy to small power diplomacy in 1816 when it was defeated in Anglo-Nepal War (1814-16). From 1848, when Jung Bahadur came to power, Nepal started to fully bandwagon with the British colonialists in India. After that, Nepal had followed strategies of ‘special relationship’ with its neighbors, non-alignment, balancing, balking, neutrality, equidistance, equiproximity and trilateral cooperation depending upon changes in domestic, and regional as well as international politics.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22575</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22575/19215</text>
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                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63812">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 43-74</text>
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                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Small State</text>
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                <text>Major Powers</text>
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                <text>Foreign Policy</text>
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                <text>A Small State between Two Major Powers: Nepal’s Foreign Policy Since 1816</text>
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                <text>Shah, Apekshya</text>
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                <text>Correction: On 29th June 2020, the author's name was changed from Apkeshya Shah TO Apekshya Shah.
This paper analyses the concept of Westphalian sovereignty and its practices among states, particularly in the bilateral relationship between Nepal and India. The notion of Westphalian sovereignty, basically a principle of non-intervention in the internal matters of other states, has been a contested concept since the beginning of its inception. Despite numerous international agreements, system-affecting and system-influencing countries have not refrained from meddling into the internal affairs of system-ineffectual states. Taking the issue of alleged Indian interference in Nepal's internal affairs into consideration, this paper examines levels and degrees of correction in accusations and assertions. And if it is correct then how can we understand it better. The first part of the paper discusses the conceptual frame of state sovereignty and its evolution over time. Then, the issue of the exercise of sovereignty is explored and, concurrently, the compromise of state sovereignty is also explained before analysing Nepal-India relations. Next, the Nepal-India relations are analysed.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22574</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22574</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63789">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63790">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 19-42</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63791">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Sovereignty</text>
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                <text>Political Independence</text>
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                <text>International Politics</text>
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                <text>Power Asymmetries</text>
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                <text>Rule-based international Order</text>
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                <text>Shades of Sovereignty: Understanding Sovereignty in International Politics</text>
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                  <text>Journal of International Affairs</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Uddin, A.G.M. Niaz</text>
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                <text>Uddin, Md Kamal</text>
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                <text>Renewable energy sources are vital to fulfill the high demands of energy in the present world. The common renewable energy sources are wind, hydropower, nuclear and biomass. However, hydropower is considered the most flexible and consistent renewable energy source because it is comparatively cheaper and more available. Besides hydroelectricity production, hydropower dams can also be useful for irrigation. Though hydropower energy is considered as green energy due to its less carbon emission, still other environmental impacts of hydropower dams are many. Hydropower dams are built based on political ground. Research into the politics of building hydropower dams and environment remains underdeveloped in many ways. Thus, this paper focuses on the issues of politics of building hydropower dams and its impacts on environment. This paper has critically reviewed the extensive literature to examine the argument and counter argument. This paper argues that the building hydropower dams on international river for renewable energy has political as well as environmental impacts. Most of the literature argued that hydropower dams provide renewable energy which produces less carbon emission, but it is argued in this paper that hydropower dams have huge political and environmental impacts nationally and internationally. Displacement of the people and dispute for water distribution among countries due to the building hydropower dams are also considered to be significant for discussion in this paper. Thus, the paper critically examines the impacts and role of hydropower dams on environment, international relations and politics.</text>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22573</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63764">
                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22573</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63766">
                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63767">
                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22573/19213</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="63768">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
              </elementText>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="63769">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 1-18</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63770">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63771">
                <text>hydropower dams</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63772">
                <text>renewable energy</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63773">
                <text>environment</text>
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                <text>politics</text>
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                <text>international relations</text>
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                <text>Hydropower Dams, Environment and Politics</text>
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                <text>info:eu-repo/semantics/article</text>
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="57791">
                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59617">
                <text>Blackburn, Matthew</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59618">
                <text>Hutcheson, Derek</text>
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                <text>Tsumarova, Elena</text>
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                <text>Petersson , Bo</text>
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                <text>2023-02-21</text>
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                <text>As was the case with other federal states, Russia’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic was decentralized and devolved responsibility to regional governors. Contrary to the common highly centralized governance in Russia, this approach is thought to have helped insulate the government from criticism. Using local research and analysis based on a national representative survey carried out at the height of the pandemic during the summer of 2021, the article charts the public response to the pandemic across Russia. It examines the regionalization of the response, with an in-depth focus on two of the Russian cities with the highest infection rates but differing responses to the pandemic: St. Petersburg and Petrozavodsk. There are two main findings: at one level, the diffusion of responsibility meant little distinction was made between the different levels of government by the population; at another level, approval of the pandemic measures was tied strongly to trust levels in central and regional government.</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3955</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59625">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v16i1.3955</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59626">
                <text>eng</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59627">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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            <description>A related resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59628">
                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3955/3193</text>
              </elementText>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="59629">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2023 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="59630">
                <text>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="48">
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="59631">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 16 No. 1 (2023): Responses to Covid-19 Pandemic Policies ; 29-54</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59632">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v16i1</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59634">
                <text>COVID-19</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59635">
                <text>Russia</text>
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                <text>Governance</text>
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                <text>Covid-19 and the Russian Regional Response: Blame Diffusion and Attitudes to Pandemic Governance</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59597">
                <text>Omelicheva, Mariya</text>
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                <text>2023-02-21</text>
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                <text>Between March and December of 2020, more than three dozen states received various types of COVID-19 assistance from Moscow. The Russian government emphasized a humanitarian character of what has become the largest package of emergency aid since Russia’s independence. The Western governments and commentators cautioned that Moscow had strategic and nefarious motives in choosing the recipients of its coronavirus aid. This study theorizes humanitarian aid allocations by authoritarian states and tests theoretical expectations using novel data on Russia’s COVID-19 aid allocations. Far from being driven by humanitarian concerns, Russia has used humanitarian assistance for projecting power on the global stage and supporting diverse political objectives. Moscow’s use of humanitarian aid for geopolitical benefits has not been a critical disruptor in the humanitarian system by itself. However, jointly with other instruments of foreign policy, Russia’s approaches to humanitarianism can be detrimental to the future of the international humanitarian system.</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3783</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v16i1.3783</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3783/3210</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="59606">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2023 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 16 No. 1 (2023): Responses to Covid-19 Pandemic Policies ; 55-81</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v16i1</text>
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                <text>Restrictive COVID-19 policies in selected EU countries and Russia: an Institutional Approach</text>
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                <text>The aim of this paper is to examine questions that have not yet been researched thoroughly: how are the positions of the RRPs on China shaping and changing, what causes such differing positions on China among these RPPs, and have there been any changes in their approach to China in the times of COVID-19? This paper aims to answer these questions by analyzing the policies toward China of said political parties (primarily, the Hungarian Fidesz, Italian Lega Nord, French Rassemblement National, but also parties such as the British UKIP, the PiS, Dutch PVV, and the German AfD). The paper underlines that RPPs’ policies on China are formulated basing on what they perceive the development of international politics can do “for the people”. Their attitudes depend mainly on their stance toward free-market globalization, their need for alternatives in relations with the US and the EU, and their axiological perception of China.</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 15 No. 2 (2022): Fall 2022; 1-24</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59563">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v15i2</text>
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                <text>Right-wing Populist Parties</text>
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                <text>European Right-Wing Populist Parties’ Approach toward China: Between Anti-Globalization and Appeal for Diversified International Partnerships</text>
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                <text>Russia’s relationship with nation is marred by contradictions that stem from its place in comparison to the West. Cultural nationalism in artistic production originated with the arrival of the Peredvizhniki [Wanderers] in the 1870s. Moscow merchant Pavel Tretyakov, in collecting Russian and European art, openly embraced a nation that encompassed Western ideas in conjunction with distinctly Russian themes. The unparalleled collecting of French modern art by Moscow merchants Sergei Shchukin and Ivan Morozov in the early 20th century continued this embrace.&amp;nbsp; The nature of their collected paintings produced shockwaves in late tsarist and Soviet society and politics before being inculcated into Russian national identity in the 21st century. This article explores the life of Henri Matisse’s The Dance (1909), commissioned by Sergei Shchukin.&amp;nbsp; It follows the work across time and regimes as it assumes pride of place in not only Russia’s national collections but also within its identity. Through a focus on the 2008 exhibition From Russia at the Royal Academy of Arts in London, this article examines Russia’s relations and protection of this work to understand, why even as the country seeks to define itself once more actively through its opposition to the West, their cultural diplomacy speaks to an openness built on a transnational history of the most prized works in their national collections.</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3288</text>
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                <text>Copyright (c) 2022 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 15 No. 1 (2022): Summer 2022; 43-60</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v15i1</text>
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                <text>Curating Russia: The Shchukin Collection, Nationalism, and Border Crossing from Lenin to Putin</text>
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