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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Terpan, Fabien</text>
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                <text>This article assesses the influence of the Franco-German partnership on the development of an EU foreign and security policy since the 1990s, in order to see whether political cohesion between the two member states is a necessary and sufficient condition for the EU to emerge as an actor in the international arena. Based on a methodology using secondary literature in a systematic way, the argument unfolds in three parts: first, the article looks at the political cohesion between the two member states in terms of both the building and the content of the EU’s foreign and security policy. Then, it seeks to establish a correlation between Franco-German cohesion and the existence of an EU position, or lack thereof. Finally, the last section explains why the Franco-German cohesion is a necessary but insufficient condition for the EU to gain actorness, by looking at other variables pertaining to: domestic politics, European politics and the international environment. Four models of interaction between the Franco-German cohesion and these other variables are developed: effective consensus; ineffective consensus; diffuse consensus; blocking dissensus.</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2529/2324</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 13 No. 1 (2019); 1-20</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v13i1</text>
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                <text>Assessing the influence of France and Germany on EU foreign and security policy</text>
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                <text>Valenza, Domenico</text>
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                <text>Since the late 1990s, transparency has emerged as a major governance pillar helping resource-rich countries improve their performance and escape the resource curse. Within this debate, a few scholars have pointed to the correlation between ownership structure and transparency, and have argued that under state ownership, transparency should not be expected, as government officials refrain from strengthening institutions to retain their discretionary power.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i2.1182</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2522</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2018: RERA V12:2 Fall 2018 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i2</text>
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                <text>Transparency, State Ownership, Norway, Russia, Oil and Gas</text>
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                <text>Transparency in Commodity-Rich Countries: Is State Ownership to Blame?</text>
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                <text>Shaban, Tatsiana</text>
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                <text>The European Union’s neighbourhood is complex and still far from being stable. In Ukraine, significant progress has occurred in many areas of transition; however, much work remains to be done, especially in the field of regional development and governance where many legacies of the Soviet model remain. At the crossroads between East and West, Ukraine presents an interesting case of policy development as an expression of European Union (EU) external governance. This paper asks the question: why was the relationship between the EU and Ukraine fairly unsuccessful at promoting stability in the region and in Ukraine? What was missing in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Ukraine that rendered the EU unable to prevent a conflict on the ground? By identifying security, territorial, and institutional challenges and opportunities the EU has faced in Ukraine, this paper underlines the most important factors accounting for the performance of its external governance and crisis management in Ukraine.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i2.1310</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2521</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i2.2521</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59082">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2018: RERA V12:2 Fall 2018 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i2</text>
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                <text>The European Union’s Policy towards its Eastern Neighbours: The Crisis in Ukraine</text>
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                <text>Foster, Chase</text>
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                <text>Since the global financial crisis, European governments have sought to intensify the supervision of financial markets. Yet, few studies have empirically examined whether regulatory approaches have systematically shifted in the aftermath of the crisis, and how these reforms have been mediated by longstanding national strategies to promote domestic financial interests in the European single market. Examining hundreds of enforcement actions in three key European jurisdictions, I find a mixed pattern of continuity and change in the aftermath of the crisis. In the UK, aggregate monetary penalties and criminal sanctions have skyrocketed since 2009, while in France and Germany, the enforcement pattern suggests continuity, with both countries assessing penalties and prosecuting insider trading at similar rates before and after the crisis. I conclude that financial regulation is still structured by longstanding industrial strategies (Story and Walter, 1997), but where pre-existing regulatory approaches were seen as contributing to the crisis, a broader regulatory overhaul has been pursued. Thus, in the UK, where the financial crisis served as a direct rebuke to the country’s “light touch” regulation, financial supervision was overhauled, and monetary sanctions dramatically increased, to preserve London’s status as an international financial centre. By contrast, in France and Germany, where domestic regulatory systems were implicated by the financial crisis, domestic securities supervision and enforcement was less dramatically altered. While the crisis has led to the further institutionalization of European-level supervisory institutions, these changes have not yet led to convergence in national regulatory approaches.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i1.1233</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2518</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i1.2518</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2018: RERA V12:1 Special Issue: Crises of the EU and their Impact on European Integration (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i1</text>
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                <text>Economic Patriotism After the Crisis: Explaining Continuity and Change in European Securities Enforcement</text>
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                <text>Climie, Cameron</text>
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                <text>This paper examines the role played by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), finding that the ESM has greatly expanded the IMF’s surveillance and oversight roles in the European Monetary Union (EMU). Building from a liberal intergovernmental framework of integration analysis, this paper argues that the IMF’s function as a de facto EMU supervisor in the ESM, a significant break from prior European integration, stems from the alignment of crisis response preferences amongst the EMU’s largest economies, the erosion of the credibility of the European Commission as an enforcer of structural reforms, and the IMF’s close fit with the preferred institutional arrangements that derived from the bargaining dynamics between euro members.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i1.1232
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2517</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i1.2517</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2018: RERA V12:1 Special Issue: Crises of the EU and their Impact on European Integration (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i1</text>
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                <text>The European Stability Mechanism and the IMF: From the Enhanced Cooperation to Embedded Supervisor</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Europe has seen an alarming increase of populist parties throughout the last two decades. The European debt crisis has only added to their strength and support, and Eurosceptic attitudes have only increased, as exemplified by the recent Brexit vote. However, this exploratory paper will argue that the crisis to which populism has given rise allows the EU to critically reflect on itself and fix many of the fatal flaws that the increase in populist support has pointed out. It will be argued that the EU needs to create a strong civic society to help mend its democratic deficit. Finally, it will be argued that by incorporating particular elements of populist thought and critique (i.e., democratization and fairer economic policies), that is, implanting an “alter-europeanization,” that the ugly side of populism (its xenophobia and racism) will begin to lose support within European countries.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i1.1234
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2018: RERA V12:1 Special Issue: Crises of the EU and their Impact on European Integration (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i1</text>
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                <text>Towards a New EU: Why Populism Can Save the European Union</text>
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                <text>Cherry, Keith</text>
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                <text>Europe is facing multiple existential crises at once. I argue that these crises are rooted in larger, older patterns of structural contestation that have always animated the EU. Drawing from these patterns, I contend that there are at least two conceptions of social order at work within the EU – an autopoietic model based on bounded hierarchy and a sympoietic model based on decentralization and compromise. I argue that the autopoietic aspects of the Union, and neo-liberal representative democracy in particular, continually produce systemic crises. At the same time, sympoietic practices of inter-institutional adjustment allow us to weather such challenges, albeit imperfectly. Ultimately, I conclude that escaping the cycle of structural crisis requires moving more definitively towards sympoiesis by radically decentralizing and democratizing political and economic power in Europe. &amp;nbsp;
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i1.1231
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Crisis, Contestation and Social Order in Europe: A Sympoietic Analysis</text>
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                <text>D'Erman, Valerie</text>
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                <text>Verdun, Amy</text>
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                <text>The introductory paper to this Special Issue discusses the idea of crisis in relation to European integration from a historical perspective in order to contextualize four different current events in the European Union (EU) in turn – euro area crisis, migration crisis, Brexit, and the rise of populist responses to EU governance. We turn to the wider scholarly concept of ‘crisis’ and apply it to large-scale events affecting the EU, in order to relate events to broader theoretical discussions about the progression of the EU. Existing literature on the topic highlights different varieties of crisis scenarios: those that undermine the basic integrity of the undertaking; those that threaten certain domains or the activities of certain groups; and those that reflect short-term, but acute dangers that may be overcome without structural damage. This introductory contribution situates each of the four above-mentioned ‘crises’ in the context of these varieties and offers suggestions for how each crisis might influence the future direction of European integration by using illustrations from each of the articles in this special issue.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i1.1230</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2514</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59017">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2018: RERA V12:1 Special Issue: Crises of the EU and their Impact on European Integration (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v12i1</text>
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                <text>Introduction: Integration Through Crises</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Makarov, Igor</text>
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                <text>Sokolova, Anna</text>
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                <text>According to the current international climate change regime, countries are responsible for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions that result from economic activities within their national borders, including emissions from producing goods for export. At the same time, imports of carbon-intensive goods are not addressed by international agreements, including the Paris Agreement that was adopted in 2015. This paper examines emissions embodied in Russia’s exports and imports based on the results of an input-output analysis. Russia is the second largest exporter of emissions embodied in trade and the large portion of these emissions is directed to developed countries. Because of the large amount of net exports of carbon-intensive goods, the current approach to emissions accounting does not suit Russia’s interests. On the one hand, Russia, as well as other large net emissions exporters, is interested in the revision of allocation of responsibility between exporters and importers of carbon-intensive products. On the other hand, both the commodity exports structure and relatively carbon inefficient technologies make Russia vulnerable to the policy of “carbon protectionism,” which can be implemented by its trade partners.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i2.1192</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v11i2.2511</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2017: RERA V11:2 Economic Challenges and Solutions for Rational Environmental Management in the Russian Federation (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v11i2</text>
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                <text>Carbon Emissions Embodied in Russia’s Trade: Implications for Climate Policy1</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Margolin, Andrey</text>
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                <text>Krasnoshchekov, Valentin</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Environmental projects have a number of distinctive features, among them an increased capital/output ratio, relatively high risks, lengthy payback periods, and outcomes that are hard to evaluate using financial indicators. Public private partnership (PPP) appears to be a viable approach for the implementation of such projects; however, existing mechanisms for the accommodation of long-term interest of the state, business and civil society are inadequate to ensure their success. In this context, the author presents an algorithm of multi-criteria analysis to evaluate the social efficiency of PPP-based environmental projects, which takes into account the impact of both financial and non-financial outcomes and includes crowdsourcing public opinion into the final decision-making process. Special priority is given to the assessment of multiplicative effects, as their role and impact on the feasibility of investment are often underestimated. The author’s conclusions and recommendations are illustrated using the case study of a construction project for a municipal solid waste processing facility.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i2.1191</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2510</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v11i2.2510</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2017: RERA V11:2 Economic Challenges and Solutions for Rational Environmental Management in the Russian Federation (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v11i2</text>
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