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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Kaliberda, Elena</text>
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                <text>The paper examines two European Commission initiatives on creating transnational media networks on European affairs, the Euronews television and the Euranet Plus radio network, and their roles in the European public sphere. An overview of Euronews and Euranet Plus is based on the author's research, first-hand contacts with representatives of the European Commission, media in Belgium and France, and field work at the editorial office of Euronews in Lyon-Ecully and at the editorial offices of Euranet Plus in Paris and Brussels.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.265</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2496</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1.2496</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2016: RERA V10:1 Fall 2016 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1</text>
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                <text>Assessment of the European Commission Initiatives on Creating Transnational Media Networks</text>
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                <text>Dinan, Shannon</text>
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                <text>The European Union has no unilateral legislative capacity in the area of social policy. However, the European Commission does play the role of guide by providing a discursive framework and targets for its 28 Member States to meet. Since the late 1990’s, the EU’s ideas on social policy have moved away from the traditional social protection model towards promoting social inclusion, labour activation and investing in children. These new policies represent the social investment perspective, which advocates preparing the population for a knowledge-based economy to increase economic growth and job creation and to break the intergenerational transmission of poverty. The EU began the gradual incorporation of the social investment perspective to its social dimension with the adoption of ten-year strategies. Since 2000, it has continued to set goals and benchmarks as well as offer a forum for Member States to coordinate their social initiatives. Drawing on a series of interviews conducted during a research experience in Brussels as well as official documents, this paper is a descriptive analysis of the recent modifications to the EU’s social dimension. It focuses on the changes created by the Europe 2020 Strategy and the Social Investment Package. By tracing the genesis and evolution of these initiatives, the author identifies four obstacles to social investment in the European Union's social dimension.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.263</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2495</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1.2495</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2016: RERA V10:1 Fall 2016 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1</text>
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                <text>The Slow Road to the Social Investment Perspective in the European Union</text>
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                <text>Wieclawski, Jacek</text>
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                <text>2016-09-19</text>
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                <text>This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.251
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2494</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1.2494</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2016: RERA V10:1 Fall 2016 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1</text>
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                <text>Considering the Sub-Regional Cooperation in East-Central Europe – Some Conclusions on Integrating and Disintegrating Tendencies in the Sub-Regional Dialogue</text>
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                <text>Dufalla, Jacqueline</text>
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                <text>2016-09-19</text>
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                <text>In 2014, the agricultural sanctions Russia imposed on the European Union (EU) had a perceivable impact on the EU’s economy. Yet the sanctions arguably had a disproportionate impact, which suggests they were particularly successful in exposing underlying issues within the EU. Specifically, former Soviet bloc countries and southern European countries were far more greatly impacted by the sanctions than the larger western EU member states. This brings to light problems of disproportionate representation of member states within decision-making processes (especially within the Committee for Agriculture and Rural Development), and the fragility of the EU's internal cohesion. By comparing typical decision-making processes of the EU with its responses during times of crisis, it becomes clear that the EU’s decision-making process and its internal cohesion with regard to economic assistance for former Soviet states, are vulnerable to Russia’s actions. The essay will conclude with recommendations on how to improve EU decision-making during times of crisis to counter this vulnerability.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.261
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2493</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1.2493</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2016: RERA V10:1 Fall 2016 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v10i1</text>
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                <text>Drawing the Short Straw: Disproportional Effects of Russian Sanctions on Central Europe and the Baltic States</text>
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                <text>Verdun, Amy</text>
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                <text>Dandashly, Assem</text>
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                <text>2015-09-19</text>
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                <text>What explains the euro adoption strategies in the Czech Republic and Slovakia? How have each of these two countries performed under the regime they joined (Czech Republic: flexible exchange rates; Slovakia: in the euro area)? &amp;nbsp;How has that experience affected Czech and Slovak policies towards euro adoption and their performance during the euro crisis? This paper asks these questions and seeks to give an answer to the question why Slovakia adopted the euro while the Czech Republic did not. We address these questions by taking an eclectic approach that draws on constructivism and symbolism, historical institutionalism and domestic politics. The paper examines five explanations based on these theoretical approaches: the inferiority-superiority factor; European identity and the ‘return’ to Europe; symbolic factor of the currency; euroskepticism; and economic structure and trade relations.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i2.232
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2492</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2.2492</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:2 Fall 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58791">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2</text>
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                <text>Boarding the Euro Plane: Euro Adoption in the Czech Republic and Slovakia</text>
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                <text>Jenson, Jane</text>
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                <text>Beginning in the 1960s, second-wave feminists framed their claims against the discourses and policy practices in the male breadwinner model that was widespread at the time. They found it too maternalist, accepting the traditional role of women as mothers responsible for care. It is, therefore, ironic that the male breadwinner model is no longer promoted by public policy communities, and yet, maternalism has returned to policy practices. The social investment perspective, now dominant in European social policy, addresses women primarily as mothers and secondarily as workers. This article documents this return to maternalism and attributes the shift to two ideational mechanisms present in the universe of political discourse within which proponents of the social investment perspective act. One is a mechanism of “being aware of gender,” including differences generating inequalities, and the other is a mechanism of “writing out gender equality.” Both drive the process of inscribing maternalism into policy and programmes.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i2.231</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2491</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58776">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:2 Fall 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58777">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2</text>
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                <text>Inscribing Maternalism in the Social Investment Perspective</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Chandler, Andrea</text>
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                <text>Since 2004, governments in a number of countries have initiated tense political debates over the question of whether religious symbols should be permitted in public places. Frequently, such debates have focussed on the head and face coverings worn by many observant Muslim women, as has been explored by a rich scholarly literature. However, relatively little has been written about the specific reasons why these laws have been adopted, and few cross-national comparisons have been made. This paper will examine the following cases: first, the law against wearing face coverings in France, adopted during Nicolas Sarkozy’s presidency in 2010; and second, the extensive debates about access to government services for people wearing religious clothing in Québèc (Canada). Finally, the paper will examine the distinct case of Russia, where high court decisions have revealed a reversal in the authorities’ former tolerance of the wearing of head coverings in public places. Three variables help to explain why these laws came upon the political agenda in these admittedly very different countries. First, all three adopted previous measures to limit citizens’ ability to don face coverings during political protests; second, these countries’ choices influenced each other, showing the importance that global influences can play in policy formation; and finally, political leaders attempted to use laws on face and head coverings as a strategy to reinforce their power.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i2.230
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2490</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2.2490</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58763">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:2 Fall 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58764">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58765">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2</text>
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                <text>The Politics of Face Coverings and Masks in Russia, France, and Quebec</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58742">
                <text>Winter, Elke</text>
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                <text>Diehl, Annkathrin</text>
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                <text>Patzelt, Anke</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58745">
                <text>2015-06-08</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>While Germany does not allow dual citizenship in principle, since 23 November 2014, children born on German territory to non-German parents are no longer forced at the age of 23 to choose between German citizenship or that of their parents. Rather, they will be able to hold dual citizenship indefinitely. While this may be a far cry from more liberal dual citizenship policies in other countries, the progressive reform of Germany’s citizenship law gains its specific meaning from that country’s tormented history of ethnic nationhood and blood-based citizenship. It is also striking at a time when many countries in the Western world are moving towards more restrictive immigration and citizenship policies. In this paper, we argue that the abrogation of the Optionspflicht [the duty to choose] constitutes a step in leaving behind the country’s notorious tradition of constituting an “ethnic nation.” Our analysis confirms Christian Joppke’s claim that politics and party ideologies matter for the “de-ethnicization” and “re-ethnicization” of citizenship, simultaneous processes that are neither linear nor necessarily path-dependent.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.241</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2489</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2489</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58750">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>Ethnic Nation No More? Making Sense of Germany’s New Stance on Dual Citizenship by Birth</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Nurgaliyeva, Lyailya</text>
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                <text>This paper focuses on the contribution of Italy to the development of energy cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU, focusing on the specific case of the Kashagan oil field. I argue that Italy, as the largest importer of Kazakhstan’s oil, can play a significant role in the diversification of energy export routes from Kazakhstan and in the introduction of new European technologies. In turn, Kazakhstan can play a prominent role in ensuring the energy security of the EU, especially after the 2014 Crimea incident. I posit that recent Italy-Kazakhstan relations shows how a medium-sized power such as Italy can be important in leading a larger block of countries into a new field of investment and development.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.244</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2488</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2488</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58735">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>The Role of Italy in the Development of Energy Cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Gunn, Alexander</text>
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                <text>Schmidtke, Oliver</text>
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                <text>2015-06-08</text>
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                <text>Territorial politics and the prospect of minority nationalist secession have assumed renewed prominence in Europe in recent years, centring on the relationships between Scotland and the United Kingdom and between Catalonia and Spain. For both cases, 2014 proved a momentous year, with Scotland holding a binding referendum on independence in September, and Catalonia holding a non-binding (and disputed) consultation vote in November. This paper explores the recent push for independence in these two contexts, employing frame analysis to assess how the pro-independence movements in Scotland and Catalonia conceptualize and articulate the ideas of nationhood, collective identity, and self-determination. It specifically explores the various political cleavages that these movements draw on in promoting the idea of autonomy or independence, and how these movements have positioned themselves within a changing European political environment. The paper demonstrates that, for both pro-independence movements, territorial politics and the idea of independence serve as vehicle for articulating traditional centre-periphery grievances and for promoting policies that reflect the needs and demands of the Scottish and Catalan communities. At the same time, both movements put forward a form of civic nationalist discourse that advocates democratic renewal and civic engagement.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.239
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2487</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58720">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2487</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58722">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58723">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>The Pursuit of Independence in Catalonia and Scotland: Towards a new form of civic nationalism in Europe?</text>
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