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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Apostolov-Dimitrijevic, Dunja</text>
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                <text>This paper explains political democratization in Post-Milosevic Serbia, utilizing two different accounts of the democratization process: one rooted in the rational choice framework and the other in structuralism. While rational choice explains the decisive role of political leadership in overcoming path dependence, the structuralist explanations show the transnational linkages that encourage democratization in the face of domestic setbacks. This particular debate between the two types of explanations represents the larger debate concerning the role of internal factors and external linkages in propelling democratization in transitional societies. The paper concludes by integrating the two sets of explanations offered by each theoretical perspective, in order to develop a coherent understanding of Serbia's democratization.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.240</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2486</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2486</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>Democratization in Serbia: An Analysis of Rational Choice and Structuralist Explanations</text>
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                <text>Yücesoy, Vahid</text>
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                <text>Oil-rich countries have oftentimes been confronted with the challenge of diversifying their economies away from oil dependence given the exhaustible nature of these fossil fuels. Investing in sovereign wealth funds has been one of the most ubiquitous ways of preparing for the post-oil period. Investing in sovereign wealth funds rather than directly injecting the oil revenues in the economy not only precludes the outbreak of the Dutch Disease (which is known for giving rise to an exchange rate appreciation, crowding out non-oil industries and keeping the economy reliant on oil), but it also saves for future generations. Yet, in the case of Azerbaijan, the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Azerbaijan (SOFAZ), founded in 1999, has only increased this reliance on oil. Using the rentier states theoretical framework, this paper will argue that the direct control over SOFAZ exercised by the president and the lack of consultation with the NGOs have made corruption easier, making the task of economic diversification more difficult. This has been possible because through corruption the president has often resorted to oil money to buy peace rather than invest it in economic diversification. As a result, since the foundation of SOFAZ, the country is more reliant, not less, on oil.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.223
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2484</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2484</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>Has the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Azerbaijan (SOFAZ) Been Able to Promote Economic Diversification?</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58676">
                <text>Kroqi, Dorian</text>
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                <text>2013-10-05</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The Permanent President of the European Council represents the most important institutional development in the EU during the last decade. This paper attempts to apply the contingency model of leadership, developed by Schout and Vanhoonacker (2001) for the study of the sixth-month nation-state Presidencies of the Council of Ministers, to the operation of the office of the Permanent President during the current Eurozone crisis. The findings from the application of the model are then related to the broader principal-agent theory. The author argues that with a non-national and longer-serving President at the helm of the European Council, there is an improved balance and relationship between the demand for, and provision (supply) of, leadership on the part of the Permanent President. This, in the author's view, has implications for the principal- agent relationship that undergirds the functioning of executive institutions such as the Presidency of the Council of Ministers.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.226</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2483</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2483</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>The President of the European Council as a leader: An application of the Contingency Theory</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Inkina, Svetlana</text>
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                <text>Public administrative and civil service reforms have widely been used as a popular strategy to bring about systemic changes in entrenched bureaucracies. The general tendency that occurred in Post-Communist states was to adopt comprehensive policy measures dealing with the efficiency and effectiveness of state apparatus. This paper examines the process of an attempted civil service reform in Russia starting from the first term of Putin's Presidency. Based upon interviews with experts and senior public officials, it elaborates on the role of leadership, or the willingness of the national political elite to improve the system of public administration; the impact of path-dependency upon the course of institutional transformation; and finally, the role of reform strategy in the policy implementation process. The article concludes that the case of civil service reform in Russia may be explained by a combination of policy-making variables listed above. In addition, it highlights the transformation of the Russian policy-making system during the years of political centralization.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.222
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2481</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2481</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>Civil Service Reform in Transition: A Case Study of Russia</text>
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                <text>Dumka, Ivan F.</text>
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                <text>2013-10-05</text>
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                <text>Emphasizing Poland and its relations with Ukraine, this paper applies a Europeanization framework to examine the uploading of external relations policies by EU members. It argues that as enlargement has shortened the list of countries to which the EU has made membership commitments, normative entrapment will not be at work in its external relations, nor address the more fractious nature of EU decision-making brought on by a larger and more diverse membership. This results in strategic behaviour by EU members and more laboured decision making, which can be expected, in general, to complicate the EU's external relations. Simply put, the coalition building that is so central to EU policymaking is more difficult following the eastward enlargement. However, because the new members vote, collaborate, and build coalitions in favour of closer ties to these eastern neighbours, complications from enlargement should be far less pronounced in the eastern policy than with other ENP countries. This comes despite striking shortcomings by Poland in the administrative capacity and elite socialization that normally characterize those member states who often succeed at projecting their preferences onto EU policy. All of this means that one can expect an eastward shift in the focus of the EU's external relations, and a deepening of its differentiated approach to external relations.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.225</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2479</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2479</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58657">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>Europeanization in EU External Relations after the Eastward Enlargement: Complications and Bypasses to Greater Engagement with the Eastern ENP Countries</text>
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                <text>Review of the following books:
Gal, Susan and Gail Kligman. 2000. The Politics of Gender After Socialism: A Comparative Historical Essay. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Galligan, Yvonne, Sara Clavero, and Marina Calloni. 2007. Gender Politics and Democracy in Post-Socialist Europe. Opladen, Germany: Barbara Budrich Publishers.
Guenther, Katja M. 2010. Making Their Place: Feminism After Socialism in Eastern Germany. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.215</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1.2476</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:1 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1</text>
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                <text>Review Essay : Gender Politics in Post-Socialist Central Eastern Europe</text>
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                <text>Matijasevich, David</text>
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                <text>Outside of some states still struggling with post-communist transitions, Europe itself may be the first European democracy to collapse in decades. Though never a bastion of participatory democracy and even subject to continuous criticism due to its democratic deficit, the European Union (EU) has provided hope to those who envision a post-national democratic political community. As such, whether the EU survives its present crisis or not, cosmopolitan democrats will look to the EU as a vindication of their ideals. Though perhaps surprising given their track record, this paper will argue that political scientists, especially those concerned with democratization, can also be optimistic about what the EU has brought to the table in terms of how we conceive processes of democratic development. Throughout the paper it will be demonstrated that the creation and maintenance of the European democracy has challenged much of the literature's fundamental assumptions of what makes democracy work. Five key lessons from the European democratic experience will be presented in an attempt to disrupt some of these assumptions including lessons regarding the diversity of the demos, the contingency of democratic upkeep, the challenges of the state, the role of elites in political transformation, and the necessity of exclusion within inclusive spaces. Though a general theory of democracy will not be presented, suggestions will be made as to how we can incorporate some of these lessons into the dominant approaches to democracy found in the literature.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.214</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2475</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1.2475</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58630">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:1 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58631">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1</text>
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                <text>Five Lessons from European Democracy</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58611">
                <text>Madularea, Adina</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58612">
                <text>2012-08-01</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58613">
                <text>In April 2010, the most recent process was initiated regarding the revision of law on the acquisition of Belgian nationality. A strong debate on the subject had been going on during 2010 - 2011. This research paper focuses on the positions held by different political parties and representatives with regard to the main issues included in numerous amendments brought to the existing Belgian Nationality Code. Looking at the way in which different aspects have been formulated and debated will provide insights about the stakes of different political actors involved and the process of political negotiation on a very sensitive territory, namely that of citizenship granting in a country with a federal government and a significant cleavage between its main ethnic groups.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.213</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58614">
                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2474</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58615">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1.2474</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58616">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58617">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:1 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58618">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58619">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1</text>
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                <text>Le Code de la Nationalite Belge: A Citizenship Law in the Making</text>
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              </elementText>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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    </collection>
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          <element elementId="39">
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            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58598">
                <text>Gurzu, Anca</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58599">
                <text>2012-08-01</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58600">
                <text>Critics have often highlighted that the 1999 Tampere decision to establish a common European Union (EU) asylum system has been too focused on security and not enough on human rights, leading to increased denial of protection for asylum seekers. This paper focuses on a controversial asylum policy, which is part of this debate: the safe country of origin (SCO) policy. This policy revolves around having a list of countries deemed "safe" which ensures asylum seekers from these countries are fast tracked through the system and likely denied asylum in the end, based on a general assumption that the application is unfounded. Human rights groups have argued the SCO policy violates the Geneva Convention. Widely used at the national level, officials proposed the creation of a supranational SCO list in the early 2000s. However, disagreements among Member States over what countries to deem “safe" as well as the need to place the European Parliament in a co-decision (as opposed to consultative) position for the creation of the EU SCO list have led to an impasse. This paper employs two major European integration theories, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism, to explain the bargaining dynamics between Member States and their failure to agree on what “safe" means. Factors such as different national migratory pressures, varied procedural understandings and applications of the SCO policy, a limited successful harmonization in related asylum policies, along with a reluctance to have the European Parliament in a co-decision position all contributed to the non-adoption of a supranational SCO list.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.212</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2473</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1.2473</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58603">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58604">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:1 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58605">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1</text>
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                <text>Safe Country of Origin List at the EU Level: The Bargaining Process and the Implications</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
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              <elementText elementTextId="58585">
                <text>Ghazaryan, Narine</text>
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                <text>2012-08-01</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The paper traces the evolution of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) since its origins until the present day. The ENP was initiated in 2003 attracting vast institutional and scholarly interest in its various aspects. The extraordinary events of the Arab Spring revolutions in the Southern neighbourhood prompted a renewed interest towards the ENP despite the internal economic turmoil faced by the European Union (EU) and its Member States. The EU institutions undertook a substantive revision of the policy in 2011 in addition to the regional split that had taken place previously. The legal framework of the ENP, comprising its objectives, methodology and instruments, is analysed to reveal the various stages of the existence of the policy and the shortcomings undermining its success. The initial stage of policy formation, the subsequent impact of the Treaty of Lisbon, and the most current state of affairs with a regional emphasis will be addressed in sequence.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.211</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2472</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58589">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1.2472</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58590">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58591">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:1 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58592">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1</text>
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                <text>The Evolution of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Current Challenges of a Disintegrated Neighbourhood</text>
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