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                <text>Nedelcu, Harry</text>
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                <text>The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2471</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:1 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v7i1</text>
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                <text>Tribunes and Patricians: Fringe Parties in the 21st Century</text>
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                <text>Giurlando, Philip</text>
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                <text>This paper explores how European integration impacts the national identities of Member States. Identity is an amorphous concept, and so this paper focuses on one dimension of it: the perception of the relative status of the nation that nationalized individuals possess. Perceptions of relative national status flow from the fact that the international system is characterized by hierarchy, competition, and concerns for relative gains and losses. A key motivation for the foreign policies of lower status nations is equality with higher status ones, and for the former, European integration is often perceived in equalizing terms. But, this perception of Europe as equalizer often does not correspond with objectively unequal power relations in Europe. This paper focuses on why, among nationalized individuals, perceptions of power differentials change, even though objectively the unequal inter-state power relations may remain unchanged. The case study is Italy entering the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union in 1999, which was perceived by many Italians in equalizing terms, even though the unequal power relations between Italy and Europe's elite countries remained objectively the same.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i2.219</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2470</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:2 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>Vicarious Evaluation: How European Integration Changes National Identities</text>
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                <text>Tamik, Merli</text>
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                <text>Since 2000, the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) has become a policy approach increasingly used in the European policy making process. By focusing on research policy, this study examines the ways in which the OMC and the mutual learning initiatives have influenced the wider policy discourse in the European Union. The paper argues that it is important to think about the contributions of the OMC in research policy in more broad and fundamental ways. This theory-guided study takes an empirical approach to the OMC, providing significant evidence on mutual learning effects analyzed in terms of developing an authentic dialogue, shaping policy discourse, shaping policy networks and facilitating collaborative learning. The analysis reveals that the OMC changes the ways in which the representatives from the Member States and the European Commission contribute to research policy, leading to a promising foundation for further policy enhancement.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i2.218</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2469</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:2 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>Rethinking the Open Method of Coordination: Mutual Learning Initiatives Shaping the European Research Enterprise</text>
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                <text>King, Conrad</text>
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                <text>This article asks how ideas have mattered for the establishment of policy goals for the Europe 2020 Strategy. I argue that despite the specification of new environmental and social targets, the overall policy goals of Europe 2020 remain consistent with the 2000 Lisbon Agenda because the European Council and the European Commission have had resilient causal beliefs about the challenges of globalization, as well as the appropriate responses to these challenges. Using Alan Jacobs's theory of mental models and attention heuristics, this article describes the connection between neo-schumpetarian ideas and the policy outcomes of Europe 2020, particularly in the domains of innovation and education policy. Establishing this connection is an essential first step to explain precisely how ideas can determine and maintain the policy preferences of particular EU actors, a direction for future research.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i2.217</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2468</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:2 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>Mental Models and the Europe 2020 Strategy: Neo-schumpetarian Ideas in Innovation and Education</text>
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                <text>Olender, Michael</text>
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                <text>This article applies Moravscik's ideational liberalism to outline domestic and international influences on German state preference formation since the introduction of the euro and discusses the trends that distinguish German policy making and why they matter in the development of sustainable solutions to the ongoing euro crisis. The German government's ideational commitments to the European project and ordoliberal principles are found to be significant determinants in preference formation, but while its commitment to Europe has remained stable over time, its commitment to ordoliberalism has wavered. The government prefers to advance European integration in line with ordoliberal principles, though in times of crisis it hardens its ordoliberal stance. This article argues that Germany will go to great lengths to keep the Eurozone intact because it is part of a grand political project, but the government's prescription for fiscal austerity, which is underpinned by ordoliberal principles, sometimes exacerbates the euro crisis. Policy recommendations that favour flexibility are offered for Germany and other Eurozone countries.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i2.216</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2466</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2012: RERA V7:2 Special ECSA-C Conference Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>Germany's Euro Crisis: Preferences, Management, and Contingencies</text>
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                <text>The relationship between migration and extremist parties has been an overlapping topic in studies of party systems, citizenship, and migration. This body of work has collectively challenged the view that the success of radical right parties in Western Europe is an unavoidable consequence of increased immigration flows. Through a review of four recent studies, this article will attempt to unpack recent scholarly literature with the aim of investigating the salience of the causal link between immigration and the success of radical right parties. The four works studied arrive at separate conclusions due to their different conceptual understandings of agency in party systems as well as their assumptions about the nature of political mobilization. While three feature the mobilization of immigration as an electoral issue as being an important factor for the success of far right parties, one makes the claim that national definitions of citizenship shape both responses to migration within the host state as well as the space available for the radical right.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v6i1.209</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2465</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2011: RERA V6:1 Fall 2011 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1</text>
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                <text>Migration and the Extreme Right in Western Europe</text>
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                <text>Kuburas, Melita</text>
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                <text>Twenty years since the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region first began, 610,000 people are still internally displaced in Azerbaijan, living in poverty and in wretched housing conditions. The causes of violence in the ongoing ethnic conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which began in the late 1980s and has since resulted in 30,000 deaths, can mainly be analyzed using a constructivist framework. However, elements of a primordialist approach to national identity were also used by mobilizers totrigger political and social uprisings. This paper presupposes that the constructivist theories on identity formation and territorial claims offer a better explanation as to why the war over Nagorno-Karabakh broke out in the 1990s, and why, in 2010, the two parties are no closer to a resolution and the Nagorno-Karabakh region remains in limbo.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v6i1.208</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2464</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58499">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2011: RERA V6:1 Fall 2011 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1</text>
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                <text>Ethnic Conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58480">
                <text>Eedy, Sean</text>
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                <text>Constructivist theory has been part of the historiography of the Cold War's end and the unification of Germany since the late 1990s. However, much of the literature on the subject of Gorbachev and German unity interprets events using security and economics as having dictated Soviet policy of the period. This paper discusses Materialist, Realist, and Constructivist theories and their necessary interaction to provide a more thorough analysis of Gorbachev's role in German unity. It argues not only that German Unification was the unforeseen byproduct of Gorbachev's policies meant to revitalize the Soviet economy, but also that German unity was not possible until Gorbachev's economic and security concerns for the USSR's future were allayed. These concerns were not addressed by traditional measures, but through the trust developed between Gorbachev, West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and the Federal Republic of Germany. Constructivist theory adds significant dimensions to the existing interpretations of Materialist and Realist theories in explaining how Gorbachev addressed Soviet concerns and policies of reform during the process of German unification where earlier confrontationist policies failed.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v6i1.207</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2463</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1.2463</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58486">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2011: RERA V6:1 Fall 2011 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1</text>
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                <text>Money, Security, and the Relationships of Trust: Toward an Integrated Understanding of Gorbachev's Role in German Unity</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58467">
                <text>Chebakova, Anastasia</text>
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                <text>2011-08-01</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The promising agenda of EU-Russia cooperation has resulted in mutual frustration manifested in continuous, paradoxical crises and isolation between the partners. This article offers a possible way to reflect on an uneasy EU-Russia relationship. In this study, I make problems in EU-Russia cooperation discursively visible by scrutinizing the official speech acts articulated in EU-Russia political and security discourse. I demonstrate that these official speech acts create conditions for a responsive dialogue and, eventually, form a set of prevalent discursive practices that re-produce and reinforce problems in EU-Russia cooperation. Blending Bakhtin‟s dialogic analysis and Onuf‟s constructivist accounts, I strike a balance between theoretical and empirical analyses and develop a model for understanding current and possible future events in the EU-Russia partnership. This model of international cooperation can be transferable beyond its borders to similar examples of relationships currently existing all over the world.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v6i1.206</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2462</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1.2462</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58473">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2011: RERA V6:1 Fall 2011 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1</text>
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                <text>Cooperation and Isolation: Understanding EU-Russia Dialogue</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Maltseva, Elena</text>
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                <text>&amp;nbsp;
This article analyzes the development of civil society in Russia in response to the fledging post-Soviet health care crisis. In recent years, Russian civil society has become significantly stronger and more actively engaged in public debates on social as well as political issues. This trend suggests that the process of social capital accumulation in Russia is well underway, thus instilling some hope for Russia's future. To illustrate this recent trend, I will analyze the development of two grassroots movements in St. Petersburg, which help families of children diagnosed with cancer to overcome the everyday psychological, legal and financial difficulties associated with treatment, and to lobby the government to go forward with health care reform. This paper is based on the author's personal experience as a participant in one of the grassroots initiatives, published materials in Russian journals and newspapers, and a series of interviews with volunteers. With this article, I hope to shed new light on developments in the Russian health care sector, and deepen our understanding of contemporary Russian civil society.
https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v6i1.205</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2011: RERA V6:1 Fall 2011 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v6i1</text>
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                <text>Health Care Crisis and Grassroots Social Initiative in Post-Soviet Russia</text>
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