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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Kalev, Leif</text>
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                <text>Ruutsoo, Rein</text>
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                <text>2007-04-01</text>
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                <text>&amp;nbsp;This article focuses on practices of citizenship in Estonia by persons with multiple citizenship or multicultural background. In the previous stages of research on this topic primary attention was paid to national citizenship, multiple citizenship and European Union citizenship as institutions, as well as the role of citizenship in the construction of European space. Expected "configurations" of multiple citizenship as articulated in Marshallian (1992) terms, as well as linkages between different spaces of membership (national and not-national) of citizenship as perceived by the national decision makers, mapped both avenues and bottleneck s for the future. Our research raises questions and problems related to citizenship as both an essential tool of nation building and of EU integration (cf. Ruutsoo and Kal ev 2006, Ruutsoo and Kalev forthcoming).







&amp;nbsp;
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i1.181</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2429</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2007: RERA V3:1 Spring 2007 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i1</text>
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                <text>Marginal Stories? The Perspectives on Citizenship of Multiple Citizens and Multicultural Persons of Estonia</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Young, Jason R.</text>
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                <text>Europe is confronted by a painful paradox; while the idea of ‘Europe’ conceptualizes the European Union as a champion of liberal democracy, human rights and equality, the position of the Roma clashes with this vision. This paper looks at human rights and exclusion in Europe with specific emphasis on the Roma ethnic minority and argues that prevalent anti-Roma discrimination in both Western and Central- Eastern Europe holds larger ramifications than merely the Roma’s constant position of alien, or “despised outsider”. The power of discrimination, popular culture and opinion in marginalizing the Roma effectively limits their equal exercise of civil, political, and human rights. The Roma therefore represent tangible limits to the ideas intertwined with European integration. It is argued that the unwillingness to address the issue of Roma exclusion on the local level within specific countries possesses the effect of creating a two-tier citizenship regime that possess the capacity for unraveling the social and intellectual aims of the European Project. Social, legal, and actual exclusion of the Roma therefore holds significant ramifications for social policy within an enlarging EU. The paper presents popular depictions of the Roma and illustrates the pervasive power of exclusion by examining events such as the 1993 Czech citizenship law; the 1999 construction (and subsequent debate over the dismantling) of a wall around Roma apartments in the Czech town of Ústi nad Labem, widespread use of physical violence and intimidation to discourage Roma settlement and racism in Central and Eastern Europe. These events suggest that the pan-European “identity” is far from constructed and that systematic and fundamental change in attitudes towards among elites and society at large and representations of the Roma is essential if the EU’s enlargement is to expand the protection of Human Rights on an equal footing throughout Europe for the Roma. Combating historical representations constructed by social and political elites of the groups such as the Roma as an other is of paramount importance if the Roma, and other ethnic minorities, are to be included as equal stakeholders in an enlarged Europe.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.180</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2427</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4.2427</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:4 European Identities and Minorities (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4</text>
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                <text>Roma in Europe: Human Rights or Humans Out of Sight?</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Raney, Tracey</text>
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                <text>2006-12-01</text>
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                <text>This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2426</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4.2426</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:4 European Identities and Minorities (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58093">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4</text>
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                <text>An Ever Further Apart Union? National and European Attachments in the European Union</text>
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                <text>Tesler-Mabe, Hernan</text>
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                <text>As recently as one year ago, the European Union was seemingly on a direct path toward its avowed goal of "ever closer union." In numerous publications, EU authorities asserted that they had the confidence of European peoples desirous only of further integration. In the wake of the failed referenda for a European Constitution, however, enthusiasts of European Union can no longer be certain that their enterprise will succeed. The European Union, once strong and united, seems now an entity teetering on the edge of collapse. The reasons for such a dramatic shift are, of course, wide-ranging. Yet I would suggest that a great part of the general European disillusionment with European Union has come about as a result of the actions of the Europeanists themselves. Over the last decades, European officials have exhibited a frightfully high incidence of revisionism in their literature. This practice, I argue, has caused many Europeans to question the integrity of the project of European Union. For my presentation, I intend to undertake a close study of a selection of documents published by the European Communities. In this endeavour, I will compare and contrast the messages imparted in different editions of these works and consider the semiotic significance of the textual and non-textual language appearing therein. In this manner, I hope to achieve two aims. First, I mean to add a corrective element to a literature that, guided by a teleological interpretation of integration, endows integration with”logic" to be found only in hindsight. Second, I intend to examine the many meanings that the EU has had over its history and assess how closely policy has adhered to the ideological goals of prominent Europeanists. In sum, I hope to shed light on the fundamental disconnect between advocates of Europe and the "man on the street" and help establish a dialogue which may contribute to resolving the current impasse within the European Union.
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.178</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2425</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4.2425</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:4 European Identities and Minorities (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4</text>
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                <text>The Union of Laughter and Forgetting? The European Union and the Construction of its own History</text>
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                <text>Zaslove, Andrej</text>
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                <text>Ozcurumez, Saime</text>
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                <text>&amp;nbsp;not available
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.177</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2424</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4.2424</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Le désalignement des politiques d’immigration et d’intégration au sein de l’UE : Hardlaw versus Softlaw?</text>
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                <text>&amp;nbsp;
Today the EU and Canada experience a significant international migration inflow that requires a delicate treatment on the government side which would not contradict with these countries’ adherence to a liberal nation-state idea. The non-ratification of the EU Constitution precluded the creation of a common immigration policy that could facilitate and level the social integration of immigrants within the EU member states that currently have different historically shaped strategies towards the newcomers. Even though the legal and economic barriers for immigration and naturalization have been reasonably decreased over the past decades across the EU, the legacies of nationalizing citizenship laws are still persistent and immigrants are expected to integrate into the host cultures. These path dependent repercussions contradict the idea of a liberal nation-state and erect the second level barriers (besides legal and economic ones) for integration of immigrants into the host societies. These cultural barriers are more persistent in the social consciousness than the institutionalized ones, which is a reason for why liberalizing laws are not the most effective means for facilitating the immigrants’ integration into the host societies. This situation of intensive immigration combined with the low opportunities for social integration gives grounds to instability and dissatisfaction within certain social groups in the EU. This paper investigates how multiculturalism policy in Canada contributes to a higher level of immigrants’ integration into Canadian society as compared to the EU memberstates. Moreover, the novel information from the Centre of Excellence for the Study of Immigration at Simon Fraser University suggests that maintenance of immigrant ethnicities contributes to the overall economic success of a country, which is another reason for the introducing multiculturalism and a common EU immigration policy.
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                <text>Integrating Immigrants through the Policy of Multiculturalism as a State’s New Response to the Sovereignty Challenge</text>
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                <text>During the winter and spring of 2006, Denmark and Scandinavia faced its most serious crisis since World War II. The conflict started as a Danish newspaper published a number of cartoons, some of which portrayed the prophet Muhammad. After the Danish government rejected their requests to censor the media, Danish Islamists distributed these pictures to some senior political and religious figures in the Middle East and requested their support against Denmark. To these pictures, they added a number of more offensive images, never published in any Danish newspaper in order to infuriate Muslims around the world. Muslim clerics, assisted by the governments of Saudi Arabia, Syria and Iran caused the region to explode in protest and violent riots, in which 44 people were killed. Danish products were boycotted across the Muslim world; Scandinavian embassies were attacked and set ablaze in Syria, Iran, Lebanon and Indonesia. Islamists promised substantial rewards for anyone who would murder Danish and Norwegian peacekeepers, and Scandinavian UN forces were attacked in Palestine and Afghanistan. The Scandinavian countries and the EU are struggling to find a way to address the issue of radical Islam within their societies, and how to defend liberal democratic values from attacks from its enemies. This process may lead to a redefinition of values, a shift from multiculturalism to an embrace of the democratic western values upon which the European states are based.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.174</text>
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                <text>Objet politique pas toujours identifié, mais souvent controversé, la citoyenneté européenne, près de 15 ans après son introduction dans le Traité de Maastricht, continue de susciter le débat : quelle citoyenneté pour quelle Europe ? Quelle autonomie pour une citoyenneté européenne dont l’acquisition reste soumise à des règles nationales ? Finalement, la citoyenneté européenne est-elle possible ? La présente communication propose de lire la problématique de la citoyenneté européenne à la lumière d’un prisme élargissant l’intégrant dans un questionnement dépassant le débat spécifiquement européen, celui de la gouvernance supranationale. Les dynamiques de globalisation et de fragmentation qui caractérisent le contexte contemporain se traduisent dans la sphère politique par la multiplication des paliers de régulation. La sphère nationale n’est plus dans cette perspective le seul locus de la vie politique ; les enjeux et les rapports de force politiques se jouent à des échelles multiples. Ce constat a donné naissance à une prolifération d’analyses concernant la dimension de plus en plus européenne, post/trans/supra-nationale, voire globale, de la citoyenneté. Celles-ci constituent néanmoins un corpus théorique un corpus théorique marqué par une compréhension à la fois fractionnée et diluée de la notion de citoyenneté supranationale et caractérisé par une perspective statique conférant au débat entre les partisans d’une citoyenneté au-delà de l’État et les avocats d’une citoyenneté par essence nationale une circularité stérile. La démarche théorique proposée consiste alors moins à tenter de caractériser les changements contemporains à la lumière des critères de la citoyenneté dans une perspective dichotomique pour savoir si « la » citoyenneté est nationale ou postnationale mais plutôt à comprendre la « citoyennisation », la construction et la définition d’une citoyenneté au-delà de l’État-nation, en relation avec la constitution et la consolidation d’entités politiques supranationales.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.173</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:3 What kind of Europe: Multiculturalism, Migration and Political Community – Lessons from Canada (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>Citoyenneté européenne, transnationale ou globale : penser la citoyenneté au-delà de l’État. Analyse critique d’un débat</text>
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                <text>The success of radical right, anti-immigrant political parties and the recent riots in France are only two of the more publicized examples of how volatile the issue of immigration has become across Western Europe. It is often believed that the dichotomy between racism and anti-racism is quite clear. Right-wing and center-right parties and their electoral constituencies are less accepting of immigrants, while center-left and left-wing political parties and their supporters are more accommodating. In this paper, however, I argue that this distinction is not as clear as it is often perceived. Using Italy as my case study, I outline the various ideological positions on the left and the right, and within the left and right, vis-à-vis immigration legislation and important related issues such as integration and multiculturalism. In the second section, I then examine how these ideological positions respond to the realities of immigration and to new pressures from voters within civil society. The question is whether immigration has created a new electoral dilemma for both sides of the political spectrum. I examine whether: 1) left-wing parties are experiencing pressures from their traditional working class constituencies to be tougher on immigration and issues of law-and-order. How does this mesh with more liberal attitudes regarding policies that permit immigrants to enter, find work, and integrate into society? 2) The question is whether right-wing political forces are also experiencing an electoral dilemma between center-right voters who support less liberal immigrant legislation and their traditional business constituency who support center-right economic policy but also realize that they require immigrant labour. In the conclusion, I, briefly, examine whether this new electoral dilemma experienced by the Italian left and right is consistent with other West European countries such as Germany, Austria, Demark, the United Kingdom, and France.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.172</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2419</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="57997">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i3.2419</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:3 What kind of Europe: Multiculturalism, Migration and Political Community – Lessons from Canada (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58000">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i3</text>
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                <text>The Politics of Immigration: a new electoral dilemma for the right and the left?</text>
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