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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Jenson, Jane</text>
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                <text>2015-09-19</text>
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                <text>Beginning in the 1960s, second-wave feminists framed their claims against the discourses and policy practices in the male breadwinner model that was widespread at the time. They found it too maternalist, accepting the traditional role of women as mothers responsible for care. It is, therefore, ironic that the male breadwinner model is no longer promoted by public policy communities, and yet, maternalism has returned to policy practices. The social investment perspective, now dominant in European social policy, addresses women primarily as mothers and secondarily as workers. This article documents this return to maternalism and attributes the shift to two ideational mechanisms present in the universe of political discourse within which proponents of the social investment perspective act. One is a mechanism of “being aware of gender,” including differences generating inequalities, and the other is a mechanism of “writing out gender equality.” Both drive the process of inscribing maternalism into policy and programmes.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i2.231</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2491</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2.2491</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:2 Fall 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2</text>
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                <text>Inscribing Maternalism in the Social Investment Perspective</text>
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                <text>Chandler, Andrea</text>
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                <text>Since 2004, governments in a number of countries have initiated tense political debates over the question of whether religious symbols should be permitted in public places. Frequently, such debates have focussed on the head and face coverings worn by many observant Muslim women, as has been explored by a rich scholarly literature. However, relatively little has been written about the specific reasons why these laws have been adopted, and few cross-national comparisons have been made. This paper will examine the following cases: first, the law against wearing face coverings in France, adopted during Nicolas Sarkozy’s presidency in 2010; and second, the extensive debates about access to government services for people wearing religious clothing in Québèc (Canada). Finally, the paper will examine the distinct case of Russia, where high court decisions have revealed a reversal in the authorities’ former tolerance of the wearing of head coverings in public places. Three variables help to explain why these laws came upon the political agenda in these admittedly very different countries. First, all three adopted previous measures to limit citizens’ ability to don face coverings during political protests; second, these countries’ choices influenced each other, showing the importance that global influences can play in policy formation; and finally, political leaders attempted to use laws on face and head coverings as a strategy to reinforce their power.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i2.230
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2490</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2.2490</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:2 Fall 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i2</text>
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                <text>The Politics of Face Coverings and Masks in Russia, France, and Quebec</text>
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                <text>Winter, Elke</text>
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                <text>Diehl, Annkathrin</text>
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                <text>Patzelt, Anke</text>
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                <text>2015-06-08</text>
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                <text>While Germany does not allow dual citizenship in principle, since 23 November 2014, children born on German territory to non-German parents are no longer forced at the age of 23 to choose between German citizenship or that of their parents. Rather, they will be able to hold dual citizenship indefinitely. While this may be a far cry from more liberal dual citizenship policies in other countries, the progressive reform of Germany’s citizenship law gains its specific meaning from that country’s tormented history of ethnic nationhood and blood-based citizenship. It is also striking at a time when many countries in the Western world are moving towards more restrictive immigration and citizenship policies. In this paper, we argue that the abrogation of the Optionspflicht [the duty to choose] constitutes a step in leaving behind the country’s notorious tradition of constituting an “ethnic nation.” Our analysis confirms Christian Joppke’s claim that politics and party ideologies matter for the “de-ethnicization” and “re-ethnicization” of citizenship, simultaneous processes that are neither linear nor necessarily path-dependent.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.241</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2489</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2489</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>Ethnic Nation No More? Making Sense of Germany’s New Stance on Dual Citizenship by Birth</text>
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                <text>Nurgaliyeva, Lyailya</text>
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                <text>This paper focuses on the contribution of Italy to the development of energy cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU, focusing on the specific case of the Kashagan oil field. I argue that Italy, as the largest importer of Kazakhstan’s oil, can play a significant role in the diversification of energy export routes from Kazakhstan and in the introduction of new European technologies. In turn, Kazakhstan can play a prominent role in ensuring the energy security of the EU, especially after the 2014 Crimea incident. I posit that recent Italy-Kazakhstan relations shows how a medium-sized power such as Italy can be important in leading a larger block of countries into a new field of investment and development.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.244</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2488</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2488</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>The Role of Italy in the Development of Energy Cooperation between Kazakhstan and the EU</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Gunn, Alexander</text>
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                <text>Schmidtke, Oliver</text>
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                <text>2015-06-08</text>
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                <text>Territorial politics and the prospect of minority nationalist secession have assumed renewed prominence in Europe in recent years, centring on the relationships between Scotland and the United Kingdom and between Catalonia and Spain. For both cases, 2014 proved a momentous year, with Scotland holding a binding referendum on independence in September, and Catalonia holding a non-binding (and disputed) consultation vote in November. This paper explores the recent push for independence in these two contexts, employing frame analysis to assess how the pro-independence movements in Scotland and Catalonia conceptualize and articulate the ideas of nationhood, collective identity, and self-determination. It specifically explores the various political cleavages that these movements draw on in promoting the idea of autonomy or independence, and how these movements have positioned themselves within a changing European political environment. The paper demonstrates that, for both pro-independence movements, territorial politics and the idea of independence serve as vehicle for articulating traditional centre-periphery grievances and for promoting policies that reflect the needs and demands of the Scottish and Catalan communities. At the same time, both movements put forward a form of civic nationalist discourse that advocates democratic renewal and civic engagement.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.239
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2487</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2487</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>The Pursuit of Independence in Catalonia and Scotland: Towards a new form of civic nationalism in Europe?</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Apostolov-Dimitrijevic, Dunja</text>
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                <text>This paper explains political democratization in Post-Milosevic Serbia, utilizing two different accounts of the democratization process: one rooted in the rational choice framework and the other in structuralism. While rational choice explains the decisive role of political leadership in overcoming path dependence, the structuralist explanations show the transnational linkages that encourage democratization in the face of domestic setbacks. This particular debate between the two types of explanations represents the larger debate concerning the role of internal factors and external linkages in propelling democratization in transitional societies. The paper concludes by integrating the two sets of explanations offered by each theoretical perspective, in order to develop a coherent understanding of Serbia's democratization.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.240</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2486</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58708">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58709">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>Democratization in Serbia: An Analysis of Rational Choice and Structuralist Explanations</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58689">
                <text>Yücesoy, Vahid</text>
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                <text>Oil-rich countries have oftentimes been confronted with the challenge of diversifying their economies away from oil dependence given the exhaustible nature of these fossil fuels. Investing in sovereign wealth funds has been one of the most ubiquitous ways of preparing for the post-oil period. Investing in sovereign wealth funds rather than directly injecting the oil revenues in the economy not only precludes the outbreak of the Dutch Disease (which is known for giving rise to an exchange rate appreciation, crowding out non-oil industries and keeping the economy reliant on oil), but it also saves for future generations. Yet, in the case of Azerbaijan, the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Azerbaijan (SOFAZ), founded in 1999, has only increased this reliance on oil. Using the rentier states theoretical framework, this paper will argue that the direct control over SOFAZ exercised by the president and the lack of consultation with the NGOs have made corruption easier, making the task of economic diversification more difficult. This has been possible because through corruption the president has often resorted to oil money to buy peace rather than invest it in economic diversification. As a result, since the foundation of SOFAZ, the country is more reliant, not less, on oil.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.223
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2484</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2484</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58694">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58695">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>Has the Sovereign Wealth Fund of Azerbaijan (SOFAZ) Been Able to Promote Economic Diversification?</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58676">
                <text>Kroqi, Dorian</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58677">
                <text>2013-10-05</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The Permanent President of the European Council represents the most important institutional development in the EU during the last decade. This paper attempts to apply the contingency model of leadership, developed by Schout and Vanhoonacker (2001) for the study of the sixth-month nation-state Presidencies of the Council of Ministers, to the operation of the office of the Permanent President during the current Eurozone crisis. The findings from the application of the model are then related to the broader principal-agent theory. The author argues that with a non-national and longer-serving President at the helm of the European Council, there is an improved balance and relationship between the demand for, and provision (supply) of, leadership on the part of the Permanent President. This, in the author's view, has implications for the principal- agent relationship that undergirds the functioning of executive institutions such as the Presidency of the Council of Ministers.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.226</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2483</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2483</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58682">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58683">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>The President of the European Council as a leader: An application of the Contingency Theory</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58663">
                <text>Inkina, Svetlana</text>
              </elementText>
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            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58664">
                <text>2013-10-05</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Public administrative and civil service reforms have widely been used as a popular strategy to bring about systemic changes in entrenched bureaucracies. The general tendency that occurred in Post-Communist states was to adopt comprehensive policy measures dealing with the efficiency and effectiveness of state apparatus. This paper examines the process of an attempted civil service reform in Russia starting from the first term of Putin's Presidency. Based upon interviews with experts and senior public officials, it elaborates on the role of leadership, or the willingness of the national political elite to improve the system of public administration; the impact of path-dependency upon the course of institutional transformation; and finally, the role of reform strategy in the policy implementation process. The article concludes that the case of civil service reform in Russia may be explained by a combination of policy-making variables listed above. In addition, it highlights the transformation of the Russian policy-making system during the years of political centralization.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.222
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2481</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2481</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58669">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58670">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>Civil Service Reform in Transition: A Case Study of Russia</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58650">
                <text>Dumka, Ivan F.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2013-10-05</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Emphasizing Poland and its relations with Ukraine, this paper applies a Europeanization framework to examine the uploading of external relations policies by EU members. It argues that as enlargement has shortened the list of countries to which the EU has made membership commitments, normative entrapment will not be at work in its external relations, nor address the more fractious nature of EU decision-making brought on by a larger and more diverse membership. This results in strategic behaviour by EU members and more laboured decision making, which can be expected, in general, to complicate the EU's external relations. Simply put, the coalition building that is so central to EU policymaking is more difficult following the eastward enlargement. However, because the new members vote, collaborate, and build coalitions in favour of closer ties to these eastern neighbours, complications from enlargement should be far less pronounced in the eastern policy than with other ENP countries. This comes despite striking shortcomings by Poland in the administrative capacity and elite socialization that normally characterize those member states who often succeed at projecting their preferences onto EU policy. All of this means that one can expect an eastward shift in the focus of the EU's external relations, and a deepening of its differentiated approach to external relations.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v8i1.225</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2479</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58654">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1.2479</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58656">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2013: RERA V8:1 Fall 2013 (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58657">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v8i1</text>
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                <text>Europeanization in EU External Relations after the Eastward Enlargement: Complications and Bypasses to Greater Engagement with the Eastern ENP Countries</text>
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      </elementSet>
    </elementSetContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
