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                <text>Aervitz, Irina</text>
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This paper is an attempt to develop a critical reflection on the social, political, and economic transformation that Russia experienced in the last couple of decades. I argue that the continuity of elites in Russia is one of the major features of its transition. This paper attempts to illuminate the continuity of elites as a general trend by using the case study of the privatization process in Veliky Novgord, Russia. This project looks at privatization as an avenue or means of resource allocation by elites during the transition. The data were obtained from 16 structured and unstructured interviews conducted in Veliky Novgorod in the summer 2004 among the representatives of the business and political elites. This paper deals with one group of the nomenklatura elite – top enterprise managers.
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v1i1.158
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2389</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2005: RERA V1:1  Inaugural Issue (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v1i1</text>
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                <text>Elites in Transition: The Case of Privatization in Veliky Novgorod, Russia</text>
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                <text>Al-Fattal, Rouba</text>
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Canada and the European Union (EU) share, to a certain extent, a similar political culture, one based on multilateralism and the use of soft power. Nevertheless, over the past fifteen years Canada has been sometimes adopting disarmament policies that are similar to those of the EU and different from those of the US, while in other times it has been adopting policies that are similar to those of the US and different from those of the EU. This indicates that similarity in political culture alone is not sufficient enough to create convergence on foreign policies and that certain conditions must first be met for political culture to take precedence over neorealist explanations when dealing with security issues. Using Canadian, EU and US decisions on the issues of anti-personnel landmines and Iranian nuclear proliferation dilemma as case studies, this article analyses the conditions under which political culture plays a role in forming similar security policies.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.188</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2440</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2007: RERA V3:3 The European Union Defence and Security Policy (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i3</text>
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                <text>The Role of Political Culture in Shaping Canadian, EU and US Disarmament Initiatives</text>
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                <text>Anders Rudling, Per</text>
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                <text>During the winter and spring of 2006, Denmark and Scandinavia faced its most serious crisis since World War II. The conflict started as a Danish newspaper published a number of cartoons, some of which portrayed the prophet Muhammad. After the Danish government rejected their requests to censor the media, Danish Islamists distributed these pictures to some senior political and religious figures in the Middle East and requested their support against Denmark. To these pictures, they added a number of more offensive images, never published in any Danish newspaper in order to infuriate Muslims around the world. Muslim clerics, assisted by the governments of Saudi Arabia, Syria and Iran caused the region to explode in protest and violent riots, in which 44 people were killed. Danish products were boycotted across the Muslim world; Scandinavian embassies were attacked and set ablaze in Syria, Iran, Lebanon and Indonesia. Islamists promised substantial rewards for anyone who would murder Danish and Norwegian peacekeepers, and Scandinavian UN forces were attacked in Palestine and Afghanistan. The Scandinavian countries and the EU are struggling to find a way to address the issue of radical Islam within their societies, and how to defend liberal democratic values from attacks from its enemies. This process may lead to a redefinition of values, a shift from multiculturalism to an embrace of the democratic western values upon which the European states are based.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.174</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2421</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i3.2421</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:3 What kind of Europe: Multiculturalism, Migration and Political Community – Lessons from Canada (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i3</text>
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                <text>Denmark as the Big Satan: Projections of Scandinavia in the Arab World and the Future of Multiculturalism</text>
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                <text>Apostolov-Dimitrijevic, Dunja</text>
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                <text>2015-06-08</text>
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                <text>This paper explains political democratization in Post-Milosevic Serbia, utilizing two different accounts of the democratization process: one rooted in the rational choice framework and the other in structuralism. While rational choice explains the decisive role of political leadership in overcoming path dependence, the structuralist explanations show the transnational linkages that encourage democratization in the face of domestic setbacks. This particular debate between the two types of explanations represents the larger debate concerning the role of internal factors and external linkages in propelling democratization in transitional societies. The paper concludes by integrating the two sets of explanations offered by each theoretical perspective, in order to develop a coherent understanding of Serbia's democratization.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v9i1.240</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2486</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1.2486</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2015: RERA V9:1 Spring 2015 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v9i1</text>
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                <text>Democratization in Serbia: An Analysis of Rational Choice and Structuralist Explanations</text>
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                <text>Augenstein, Daniel</text>
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                <text>&amp;nbsp;
In the process of European constitutionalisation, the European Union continues to struggle for an identity that can generate widespread support amongst its peoples. Against this background it has been suggested by some that a European identity should embrace the Christian values that underpin Europe’s national traditions and cultures. In this paper I shall argue that, instead of relying on a communitarian vision of a ‘Christian Europe’, a European identity should build on a culture of religious tolerance. A European culture of religious tolerance draws on the enduring of difference and the acknowledgement of persisting and intractable conflict as essential experiences of Europe’s Christian past. Thus understood, tolerance lies at the roots of a European identity. At the same time, and through the conditional inclusion of religious diversity in the European Nation-States, a European culture of religious tolerance creates over time new commonalities between Europe’s religiously permeated national traditions. Thus understood, tolerance only brings about the conditions for the development of a supranational European identity that amounts to more than (the sum of) its national counterparts.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v4i2.195</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2451</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2008: RERA V4:2 Summer 2008 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v4i2</text>
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                <text>Christianity and Tolerance: A Genealogy of European Identity</text>
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                <text>Objet politique pas toujours identifié, mais souvent controversé, la citoyenneté européenne, près de 15 ans après son introduction dans le Traité de Maastricht, continue de susciter le débat : quelle citoyenneté pour quelle Europe ? Quelle autonomie pour une citoyenneté européenne dont l’acquisition reste soumise à des règles nationales ? Finalement, la citoyenneté européenne est-elle possible ? La présente communication propose de lire la problématique de la citoyenneté européenne à la lumière d’un prisme élargissant l’intégrant dans un questionnement dépassant le débat spécifiquement européen, celui de la gouvernance supranationale. Les dynamiques de globalisation et de fragmentation qui caractérisent le contexte contemporain se traduisent dans la sphère politique par la multiplication des paliers de régulation. La sphère nationale n’est plus dans cette perspective le seul locus de la vie politique ; les enjeux et les rapports de force politiques se jouent à des échelles multiples. Ce constat a donné naissance à une prolifération d’analyses concernant la dimension de plus en plus européenne, post/trans/supra-nationale, voire globale, de la citoyenneté. Celles-ci constituent néanmoins un corpus théorique un corpus théorique marqué par une compréhension à la fois fractionnée et diluée de la notion de citoyenneté supranationale et caractérisé par une perspective statique conférant au débat entre les partisans d’une citoyenneté au-delà de l’État et les avocats d’une citoyenneté par essence nationale une circularité stérile. La démarche théorique proposée consiste alors moins à tenter de caractériser les changements contemporains à la lumière des critères de la citoyenneté dans une perspective dichotomique pour savoir si « la » citoyenneté est nationale ou postnationale mais plutôt à comprendre la « citoyennisation », la construction et la définition d’une citoyenneté au-delà de l’État-nation, en relation avec la constitution et la consolidation d’entités politiques supranationales.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i3.173</text>
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                <text>The notion of workable or effective competition is at the centre of EU competition law and policy, as it strives to achieve and maintain it. Some scholars do not mention it at all. Those who refer to it either do not explain it in any way or explicate it very shortly. In fact, the concept is too important to be ignored totally or elucidated briefly. The objective of this article is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the concept by focusing on the theory of workable or effective competition. It is argued that effective competition is the key for an in-depth study of the political economy (i.e. real policy goals, economic rationale behind individual competition rules, institutional requirements, and implications for distribution of wealth) of EU competition law and policy.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at:https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v1i1.161</text>
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                <text>Transforming the energy system towards an increasing share of renewables requires a significant change of a policy to redirect the path-dependent evolution of a highly complex technical system. Moreover, a new path of development towards energy provision from renewables has to be stabilized to assure sustainability. The federal systems in Canada and Germany diverge in the institutional conditions relevant for policy change and stability. Canadian federalism separates powers in energy policy and allows the federal and provincial governments to change policies on their own. In contrast, German federalism requires co-operation between federal and Länder governments which favors policy stability but renders significant change unlikely.
However, energy transformation started in the 1990s in Germany under conditions that allowed the federal government to avoid the usual mode of joint decision-making. In Canada, provincial governments took the lead in energy transformation, when the conservative federal government showed no interest in intergovernmental coordination. The article explains these shifts in power within the institutional framework. It also discusses the consequences, considering the stability of transformative energy policy. In Germany, policy change from the center undermined the stabilizing structures of intergovernmental coordination, in Canada, institutional conditions favoring continuity never existed. Hence in both countries, governments changed policies but failed to reform institutions of governance.</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 14 No. 2 (2020): Carbon Politics in Canada and Europe: Coping with Jurisdictional and Interest Diversity; 56-78</text>
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                <text>Transformative Energy Policy in Federal Systems: Canada and Germany Compared</text>
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                <text>Introduction: Carbon Politics in Canada and Europe</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Policy makers in federated countries and the EU seeking to reduce total greenhouse gas emissions face a challenge when emissions are rising in some subnational jurisdictions. The magnitude of that challenge is influenced by the portion of total emissions represented by those jurisdictions, the rate of change in that portion, and the political power of those jurisdictions. This phenomenon is examined by a comparison of the role of rising-emission jurisdictions in the EU and Canada. We define a “rising-emission jurisdiction” as one in which emissions were higher in 2018 than in 1990, regardless of how its emissions may have risen or fallen between those dates. Those findings show that the role of rising-emission jurisdictions must be added to the factors identified in the literature explaining why between 1990 and 2018 EU emissions have declined by 25% while Canadian emissions have increased by 21%. To better understand this phenomenon and to help policy makers cope with it, more research is needed on its influence in other federated countries.
&amp;nbsp;</text>
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            <name>Format</name>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59405">
                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2770</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59406">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v14i2.2770</text>
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          <element elementId="44">
            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59407">
                <text>eng</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59408">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="46">
            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59409">
                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2770/2891</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59410">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2021 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59411">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 14 No. 2 (2020): Carbon Politics in Canada and Europe: Coping with Jurisdictional and Interest Diversity; 79-101</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="59412">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="59413">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v14i2</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59414">
                <text>Canada Euopean Union subnational member state rising greenhouse gas emissions</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="59415">
                <text>Central Governments in Multi-level Governance Systems Facing the Challenge of Jurisdictions with Rising Emissions</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59416">
                <text>Central Governments in Multi-level Governance Systems Facing the Challenge of Jurisdictions with Rising Emissions</text>
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            <name>Type</name>
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                <text>info:eu-repo/semantics/article</text>
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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