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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Young, Jason R.</text>
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                <text>2008-08-01</text>
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                <text>This article intervenes into the debate around European identity, political Islam, and Turkey’s potential accession to the European Union through treating Samuel Huntington’s “Clash of Civilizations” as a bordering discourse. The article argues that the ‘clash thesis’ highlights uncertainty around cultural change in Europe as well as a tension within European Integration itself between the Nation as State and the Nation as political and cultural identity. Discourses which position specific groups as being unEuropean, or less European can be linked to the shifting meaning of Europe in light of political and economic integration and its affects on the Nation as titular owner of the State. The article argues that the debate around the compatibility of Islam and Europe and therefore, also the debate around Turkey’s accession to the European Union must be situated within the context of boundary formations driven by im/migration to Europe and within Europe and the rise in public visibility and assertiveness by second and third generation Islamic communities, thereby moving the debate beyond the Self /Other dichotomy upon which the ‘clash thesis’ functions by understanding the boundaries of Europe as negotiable and culturally situated within a publicly mediated discourse about ‘Europe’.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v4i2.200</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2456</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v4i2.2456</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2008: RERA V4:2 Summer 2008 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v4i2</text>
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                <text>‘Making the Margins of Europe’: Marginalization, Europeanization and Islam in the contest for Public Space.</text>
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                <text>Papic, Marko</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The most powerful tool of EU foreign policy in dealing with potential candidate countries (and beyond) is that of political conditionality. The successes of this policy, as well as its spectacular failures, have been largely well documented by the political science research community. Far less research, however, goes into explaining the scenarios where the EU goes “beyond conditionality” (Teokarevic 2003) in its dealings with potential candidates for membership in the EU. The goal of this paper is to explain the extremely intensive and pro-active EU involvement in the drafting of the Constitution of Serbia and Montenegro and the subsequent attempts by Brussels to determine the future nature of the union between these neighboring republics. In answering this question the paper looks at the history of EU’s involvement in the region and attempts to provide a theoretical framework that can best provide the explanation for the motivation of EU’s policy makers to utilize such a direct strategy of involvement that goes far “beyond conditionality”.
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i2.170</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2417</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i2.2417</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:2 The European Union External and Security Relations (backfile abstracts)</text>
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                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i2</text>
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                <text>“Rolling Up the Sleeves”1 How EU policy towards Serbia and Montenegro acts as the glue that holds the State Union together?</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Omelicheva, Mariya</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2023-02-21</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Between March and December of 2020, more than three dozen states received various types of COVID-19 assistance from Moscow. The Russian government emphasized a humanitarian character of what has become the largest package of emergency aid since Russia’s independence. The Western governments and commentators cautioned that Moscow had strategic and nefarious motives in choosing the recipients of its coronavirus aid. This study theorizes humanitarian aid allocations by authoritarian states and tests theoretical expectations using novel data on Russia’s COVID-19 aid allocations. Far from being driven by humanitarian concerns, Russia has used humanitarian assistance for projecting power on the global stage and supporting diverse political objectives. Moscow’s use of humanitarian aid for geopolitical benefits has not been a critical disruptor in the humanitarian system by itself. However, jointly with other instruments of foreign policy, Russia’s approaches to humanitarianism can be detrimental to the future of the international humanitarian system.</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3783</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v16i1.3783</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/3783/3210</text>
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                <text>Copyright (c) 2023 Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 16 No. 1 (2023): Responses to Covid-19 Pandemic Policies ; 1-28</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59609">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59610">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v16i1</text>
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                <text>covid-19 aid</text>
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                <text>Russia</text>
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                <text>A “Good” Samaritan? The Geopolitics of Russia’s Covid-19 Assistance</text>
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                <text>Margolin, Andrey</text>
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                <text>Krasnoshchekov, Valentin</text>
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                <text>2017-10-01</text>
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                <text>Environmental projects have a number of distinctive features, among them an increased capital/output ratio, relatively high risks, lengthy payback periods, and outcomes that are hard to evaluate using financial indicators. Public private partnership (PPP) appears to be a viable approach for the implementation of such projects; however, existing mechanisms for the accommodation of long-term interest of the state, business and civil society are inadequate to ensure their success. In this context, the author presents an algorithm of multi-criteria analysis to evaluate the social efficiency of PPP-based environmental projects, which takes into account the impact of both financial and non-financial outcomes and includes crowdsourcing public opinion into the final decision-making process. Special priority is given to the assessment of multiplicative effects, as their role and impact on the feasibility of investment are often underestimated. The author’s conclusions and recommendations are illustrated using the case study of a construction project for a municipal solid waste processing facility.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v11i2.1191</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2510</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v11i2.2510</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58989">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2017: RERA V11:2 Economic Challenges and Solutions for Rational Environmental Management in the Russian Federation (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58990">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v11i2</text>
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                <text>Accommodation of Interests of the State, Business and Civil Society in Environmental Projects Implemented Through Public Private Partnership in the Russian Federation</text>
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                <text>Peters, Frederick</text>
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                <text>2008-04-01</text>
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                <text>This paper explores water services restructuring in the post-communist Europe. The cases of the cities of St Petersburg, Russia and Tallinn, Estonia serve to trace changes in tone and timbre over the course of the post-communist transition to a market based economy. This paper is divided into two sections: we begin by placing the European Bank of Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) in the context of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund–the International Financial Institutions significantly involved with infrastructure rebuilding. Section Two presents a brief look at specific cases of municipal water restructuring in the Baltic Region in postcommunist transition period, 1991 – 2006, brokered and funded in part by EBRD money. Tracing investments and the strategic partnerships formed in the region by the EBRD sheds light onto the development of IFI capacity and strategy since the early 1990s. The politics behind the notion described in shorthand with Harvey’s reworking of the Marxian ‘Primitive Accumulation’ is crucial to understanding the dynamics and trends often apparent in water infrastructure restructuring.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v4i1.193</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2447</text>
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                <text>10.22215/cjers.v4i1.2447</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58303">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2008: RERA V4:1 Spring 2008 (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58304">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58305">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v4i1</text>
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                <text>Accumulation by Any Means: Neoliberalisation and Environment in Post-Communist Europe</text>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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                <text>Santini, Ruth Hanau</text>
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                <text>This paper looks at the qualitative change in the foreign policy discourse by the European Union towards the Middle East, as well as the EU’s overall degree of consistency between words and deeds. By looking at European Council Conclusions as well as General Affairs Council conclusions, it will be argued that on a discursive level the Union has taken stock of the emergence of new threats to its security, and has started shifting its attention from state failure and regional conflicts to the threats posed by terrorism and non-conventional proliferation. Secondly, by differentiating among three kinds of coherence, it will be shown that the main source of incoherence in the Union external action in the Middle East is not to be found in its institutional or horizontal dimensions, but in its vertical level, that is between the Union and member states. Examples will be provided in order to substantiate an overall claim: the EU security discourse might have changed; its policies however remain driven by the difficult balancing exercise between Brussels and national capitals.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.184</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2436</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58182">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i2.2436</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58183">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58184">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2007: RERA V3:2 New Foreign Policy Challenges and Canada-EU Relations (backfile abstracts)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58185">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58186">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i2</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>Addressing threats: European foreign policy toward the Middle East since the European Security Strategy</text>
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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            <element elementId="50">
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58165">
                <text>Portela, Clara</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58166">
                <text>2007-08-01</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Since the signing of the Cotonou Agreement in 2000, the European Union (EU) has suspended development aid towards a number of African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries in response to breaches of Human Rights and democratic principles by activating the so-called Human Rights clause (article 96). The present article analyses the use by the EU of aid suspensions as political tools and their efficacy in achieving the desired policy goals, in an attempt to identify and explain the determinants leading to the success of these measures. The investigation finds that the use of development aid suspensions is frequently effective. Classical sanctions theory appears to account largely for their success, given that most targets display a significant degree of dependence on the EU as a donor or a trading partner. However, and without refuting the explanatory power of that approach, a closer look at this practice unveils a number of factors that contribute to facilitate success. One of them is the selective use of the tool: suspensions are applied predominantly in cases of interruptions of the democratic process, while they are rarely used in situations of violent conflict. The specificities of the consultations mechanism, and especially the attitude of ACP neighbouring countries- often openly supportive-, largely determine the final outcome.
&amp;nbsp;
Full textavailable at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.155</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58168">
                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2435</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58169">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i2.2435</text>
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            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58170">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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          <element elementId="48">
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              <elementText elementTextId="58171">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2007: RERA V3:2 New Foreign Policy Challenges and Canada-EU Relations (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58172">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58173">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i2</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58174">
                <text>Aid Suspensions as Coercive Tools? The European Union’s Experience in the AfricanCaribbean-Pacific (ACP) Context</text>
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="57791">
                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
            </element>
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    </collection>
    <elementSetContainer>
      <elementSet elementSetId="1">
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        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
        <elementContainer>
          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58085">
                <text>Raney, Tracey</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58086">
                <text>2006-12-01</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58087">
                <text>This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179</text>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58088">
                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2426</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58089">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4.2426</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
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              <elementText elementTextId="58090">
                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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          <element elementId="48">
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              <elementText elementTextId="58091">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2006: RERA V2:4 European Identities and Minorities (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58092">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58093">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v2i4</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58094">
                <text>An Ever Further Apart Union? National and European Attachments in the European Union</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58096">
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
          <elementContainer>
            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
                </elementText>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="58257">
                <text>Kazarinova, Daria</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58258">
                <text>2007-10-01</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The European integration process was initiated based on the model of the United States. The idea was to create a unit similar in some ways to the United States, while at the same time a unique, European entity. Anti-Americanism can be defined as the ideological tendency to resist the reproduction of American economic, social and cultural patterns. At the heart of this article is the question of whether anti-Americanism is an effective contributor to the European integration process.
&amp;nbsp;
Full text available: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.190</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2442</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58261">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i3.2442</text>
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                <text>Centre for European Studies, Carleton University</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58263">
                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; 2007: RERA V3:3 The European Union Defence and Security Policy (backfile abstracts)</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58264">
                <text>2562-8429</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="58265">
                <text>10.22215/cjers.v3i3</text>
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                <text>Anti-Americanism and the Spirit of European Unity</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="58268">
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="57791">
                  <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies</text>
                </elementText>
              </elementTextContainer>
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    <elementSetContainer>
      <elementSet elementSetId="1">
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        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="59103">
                <text>Terpan, Fabien</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59104">
                <text>2019-11-11</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="59105">
                <text>This article assesses the influence of the Franco-German partnership on the development of an EU foreign and security policy since the 1990s, in order to see whether political cohesion between the two member states is a necessary and sufficient condition for the EU to emerge as an actor in the international arena. Based on a methodology using secondary literature in a systematic way, the argument unfolds in three parts: first, the article looks at the political cohesion between the two member states in terms of both the building and the content of the EU’s foreign and security policy. Then, it seeks to establish a correlation between Franco-German cohesion and the existence of an EU position, or lack thereof. Finally, the last section explains why the Franco-German cohesion is a necessary but insufficient condition for the EU to gain actorness, by looking at other variables pertaining to: domestic politics, European politics and the international environment. Four models of interaction between the Franco-German cohesion and these other variables are developed: effective consensus; ineffective consensus; diffuse consensus; blocking dissensus.</text>
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            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
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                <text>https://ojs.library.carleton.ca/index.php/CJERS/article/view/2529/2324</text>
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                <text>Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies; Vol. 13 No. 1 (2019); 1-20</text>
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