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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Journal of International Affairs</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Uddin, A.G.M. Niaz</text>
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                <text>Uddin, Md Kamal</text>
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                <text>Renewable energy sources are vital to fulfill the high demands of energy in the present world. The common renewable energy sources are wind, hydropower, nuclear and biomass. However, hydropower is considered the most flexible and consistent renewable energy source because it is comparatively cheaper and more available. Besides hydroelectricity production, hydropower dams can also be useful for irrigation. Though hydropower energy is considered as green energy due to its less carbon emission, still other environmental impacts of hydropower dams are many. Hydropower dams are built based on political ground. Research into the politics of building hydropower dams and environment remains underdeveloped in many ways. Thus, this paper focuses on the issues of politics of building hydropower dams and its impacts on environment. This paper has critically reviewed the extensive literature to examine the argument and counter argument. This paper argues that the building hydropower dams on international river for renewable energy has political as well as environmental impacts. Most of the literature argued that hydropower dams provide renewable energy which produces less carbon emission, but it is argued in this paper that hydropower dams have huge political and environmental impacts nationally and internationally. Displacement of the people and dispute for water distribution among countries due to the building hydropower dams are also considered to be significant for discussion in this paper. Thus, the paper critically examines the impacts and role of hydropower dams on environment, international relations and politics.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22573</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22573</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22573/19213</text>
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                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63769">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 1-18</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63770">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>hydropower dams</text>
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                <text>renewable energy</text>
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                <text>Hydropower Dams, Environment and Politics</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Shah, Apekshya</text>
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                <text>Correction: On 29th June 2020, the author's name was changed from Apkeshya Shah TO Apekshya Shah.
This paper analyses the concept of Westphalian sovereignty and its practices among states, particularly in the bilateral relationship between Nepal and India. The notion of Westphalian sovereignty, basically a principle of non-intervention in the internal matters of other states, has been a contested concept since the beginning of its inception. Despite numerous international agreements, system-affecting and system-influencing countries have not refrained from meddling into the internal affairs of system-ineffectual states. Taking the issue of alleged Indian interference in Nepal's internal affairs into consideration, this paper examines levels and degrees of correction in accusations and assertions. And if it is correct then how can we understand it better. The first part of the paper discusses the conceptual frame of state sovereignty and its evolution over time. Then, the issue of the exercise of sovereignty is explored and, concurrently, the compromise of state sovereignty is also explained before analysing Nepal-India relations. Next, the Nepal-India relations are analysed.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22574</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22574</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63787">
                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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            <name>Relation</name>
            <description>A related resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63788">
                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22574/19214</text>
              </elementText>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63789">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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          <element elementId="48">
            <name>Source</name>
            <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63790">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 19-42</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63791">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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                <text>Sovereignty</text>
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                <text>Political Independence</text>
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                <text>International Politics</text>
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                <text>Power Asymmetries</text>
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                <text>Rule-based international Order</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63797">
                <text>Shades of Sovereignty: Understanding Sovereignty in International Politics</text>
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            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63798">
                <text>info:eu-repo/semantics/article</text>
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                <text>info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion</text>
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                <text>Peer-reviewed Article</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
              <elementTextContainer>
                <elementText elementTextId="63757">
                  <text>Journal of International Affairs</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Nepal</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63802">
                <text>Adhikari, Dhruba Raj</text>
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                <text>Nepal is a small state situated in a geo-strategic location between two major powers—China and India, the former being a great state, and the latter a middle state. Nepal has asymmetric relations with both India and China in terms of national power. Nepalese psyche has been shaped by the very geostrategic situation since the time immemorial. However, Nepal as a modern state was born only in 1768, since then it has adopted different strategies for its survival according to the changes in international, regional and domestic power equations. During the initial phase (1768-1814), Nepal was called Gorkha empire and it had pursued a grand strategy of sub-regional hegemony while being mindful of the sensibilities of the big powers in the North and the South. Nepal made a transition from imperial grand strategy to small power diplomacy in 1816 when it was defeated in Anglo-Nepal War (1814-16). From 1848, when Jung Bahadur came to power, Nepal started to fully bandwagon with the British colonialists in India. After that, Nepal had followed strategies of ‘special relationship’ with its neighbors, non-alignment, balancing, balking, neutrality, equidistance, equiproximity and trilateral cooperation depending upon changes in domestic, and regional as well as international politics.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22575</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22575</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22575/19215</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63811">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63812">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 43-74</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63813">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Small State</text>
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                <text>Major Powers</text>
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                <text>Foreign Policy</text>
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                <text>A Small State between Two Major Powers: Nepal’s Foreign Policy Since 1816</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>K.C., Khadga</text>
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                <text>Bhattarai, Gaurav</text>
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                <text>This article traces out the causes for why Nepal’s search for prosperity through transit diplomacy appears to be an un accomplished venture. Identifying different indicators of Nepal’s transit diplomacy, it specifies to what extent Nepal can execute its transit diplomacy and to what extent it cannot. This article also argues that Nepal’s proposal of trilateral ism to its immediate neighbours, India to the South and China to the North, itself, so far has not been institutionalized through any means of trilateral dialogues or ministerial-level meetings. It has only been reduced to the status of a metaphor merely inferring Nepal’s possibilities to bridge two emerging economies in the neighbourhood, which are, however, deemed as the prime actors of Easternization process itself. Hypothesizing that the venture of transit diplomacy has not gained sufficient momentum, this article does not only assess the reluctance of India in providing momentum to trilaterialism, but underlines Nepal’s lack of preparation and assertiveness which have actually sidelined her plausible role to make it happen at Nepal’s larger interest. The idea of trilateralism should, therefore, bear an institutional reality. Without such an institutionalization, Nepal’s quest for prosperity through transit diplomacy might not yield expected results, and shall always dwell on the status of an un accomplished venture.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22576/19216</text>
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                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
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                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 75-96</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="63836">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Transit diplomacy</text>
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                <text>trilateralism</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63844">
                <text>Nepal’s Search for Prosperity through Transit Diplomacy</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Awasthi, Soumya</text>
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                <text>Given China’s proactive international diplomacy today, it continues to make its presence felt in the region. The ambitious project of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) stands among the widest reaching of all other initiatives. It not only represents a renewed, stronger and better co-ordinated push to expand China’s influence overseas but is also coupled with a domestic investment drive, in which nearly every Chinese province has a stake. BRI is a set of two outward-facing models introduced by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 to promote economic engagement and investment along two main routes: the New Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Route. The proposed countries under the BRI framework are close to 68 countries, with up to 40 per cent of the Global GDP (Griffiths, 2017). This article looks at four major issues. First, what comprises BRI and what it has for the partners in the project? Second, what does it mean for India with specific reference to China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CEPC)? Third, major concerns in BRI and CEPC. Finally, the article also discusses the available options for India reluctant to join BRI.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22592</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v2i1.22592</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63856">
                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63857">
                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22592/19228</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="63858">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2018 MIRD, TU</text>
              </elementText>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="63859">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2018); 97-112</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63860">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63861">
                <text>BRI</text>
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                <text>CPEC</text>
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                <text>China</text>
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                <text>India</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63865">
                <text>Cabahar Port</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="63866">
                <text>China-led BRI and its Impact on India with Specific Reference to CPEC</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="63757">
                  <text>Journal of International Affairs</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="64215">
                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>Nepal; India</text>
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                <text>Ranjan, Amit</text>
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                <text>2016-10-03</text>
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                <text>India and Nepal share about 1800 square kilometres of porous border, inhabit the majority of their members from the same religious group and have symbiotic interdependent on each other; yet they are engaged into disputes over many issues. It is always alleged by Nepal that India does not consider it as a sovereign country rather as one of its own administrative unit. The basis of this allegation is behaviour of Indian establishment and its epistemic community towards Nepal. The political tensions between the two countries have kept on surfacing at intermittent period and have influenced the water sharing arrangements between the two countries. Nepal alleges that as a powerful country, India exploits Nepal’s natural resources for its own benefit. As a result many of the transboundary river water treaties have not been activated, some have been sternly opposed by the people from the catchment areas, and a few’s future is hanging in the air. To overcome these problems and its dependency on India, many times Nepal has invited other countries to develop its hydropower sector. Amidst all existing differences the two countries share inextricable relationship because of geographical location and shared primordial identity.</text>
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                <text>application/pdf</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22637</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63876">
                <text>10.3126/joia.v1i1.22637</text>
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                <text>eng</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63878">
                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63879">
                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22637/19251</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
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            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="63880">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2016 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63881">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2016); 1-16</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63882">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Water disputes</text>
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                <text>Contours of India - Nepal Relationship and Trans-Boundary Rivers Water Disputes</text>
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                  <text>Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</text>
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                <text>South-Asia</text>
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                <text>Pandey, Chandra</text>
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                <text>The proposition that climate change will engender anxieties for international security has become profound in public discourse over two decades. This paper discusses the concerns of environmental security in South Asia. It examines different meanings of environmental security to explain how it is associated with national security of the states in the region. Three major factors of environmental security problems are considered. Firstly, how environmental change can affect human security. Secondly, how environmental change can turn into violent conflict and thirdly, how the combined impact of these two variables affect the developmental concerns and national security of the individual state in South Asia.</text>
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                <text>https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/joia/article/view/22638</text>
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                <text>10.3126/joia.v1i1.22638</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63896">
                <text>eng</text>
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                <text>Masters in International Relations and Diplomacy - Tribhuvan University (MIRD-TU)</text>
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                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2016); 17-30</text>
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                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Dominance of research on Nepalis migration to India is considers as ‘for livelihood’, ‘passage of rites’, ‘taken for granted’, more importantly ’tradition’ or ‘Kamaune’ for majority of Nepalis. Nepal is an oldest nation-state of South Asia and its democracy had been, for a number of times, suspended or dismissed which forced Nepali leaders to exile in India. It still continues in different ways. Nepal’s political development is directly or indirectly influenced by political activism in India. India has been important ‘space’ for Nepal’s political change and it also has been a place for migrant’s political activism since a long time.
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              <elementText elementTextId="63919">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2016); 31-44</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63920">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Nepali migrants</text>
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                <text>Nepali Migrants Political Activisms in India and their Engagement with Homeland</text>
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                <text>Although the Chinese government has a strong preference for bilateral diplomatic negotiations to resolve disputes, its status as a party to UNCLOS and its continuing failure to reach a settlement with the Philippines has exposed it to the risk of litigation. Additionally, if the arbitration goes forward, China may be at a disadvantage because several Chinese assertions about their South China Sea rights are not well supported in international law. China’s leaders may also have concerns about avoid nationalists who are sensitive to any perception that the government lost control of a high profile issue to a small Southeast Asian state and a Japanese judge. Nonetheless, now that the Chinese have rejected the process, the panel will proceed without them, providing a small “victory” for Manila and potentially swinging international public opinion toward the Philippines. China being an established regional power and aspiring global power would better show her generosity to take the countries in neighborhood in confidence. For this, resolving South China Sea issue by win-win strategy will be of great benefit for regional stability and security in South East Asian region.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63938">
                <text>Copyright (c) 2016 MIRD, TU</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63939">
                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2016); 45-62</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="63940">
                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>The South China Sea Issue: Its Implications on South East Asian Security</text>
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                <text>International security and its relevancy to nation’s stability are heavily influenced by the geo-political situation of a country. By geo-politics, it is a relationship among politics, geography, demography, and economics-especially in respect to foreign policy adopted by a nation within the region. It dictates the overall governmental policies. In other words, the power relationship is dictated by the geographic location of the country. Geo-politics is the study of the political and strategic relevance of geography in a pursuit to national and international power (Khanal, 2011). So, the location and the physical environment are important factors to decide international power structure of a nation in the global as well as in regional context. Geo-strategy is a branch of geo-politics that deals with strategy. It characterizes a certain geographic area that affects the analysis of a region (Dahal, 2009). In order to understand the importance of geo-strategy of Nepal, we need to understand geographical context of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. It is a self-contained region that includes India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. We may call the subcontinent “self-contained” because it is a region that is isolated on all sides by difficult terrain or by ocean. In geopolitical terms it is– an island (Friedman, 2008).</text>
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                <text>Journal of International Affairs; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2016); 63-72</text>
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                <text>2631-2158</text>
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                <text>Geopolitical Dimension of Nepal and its Impact in South Asia</text>
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